DUKE  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 
DURHAM,  N.  C. 


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The 


^5"  O-  ; ’ - p^. 

Prevention  of  Disease 
in  the  War 


More  Power  for  the  Medical  Department 
of  the  Army 

iip 

By 


LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN,  M.  D. 

Late  Surgeon  Major,  U.  S.  Vol.  Engineer! 

Trustee  American  Defense  Society 


104308 


Published  by 

AMERICAN  DEFENSE  SOCIETY,  Inc. 

National  Headquarter! 

44  East  23rd  Street,  New  York 


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An  American  Merchant  Marine 
The  Enforcement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
Government  Co-operation  with  Business 
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Our  Program 

Exposure  of  German  Atrocities 
The  Putting  Down  of  Sedition  in  the  United  States 
The  Suppression  of  German  Inspired  Peace  Propagan 
Stopping  of  all  Trade  with  the  Enemy,  directly 
through  neutral  channels 

The  Enforcement  of  the  Death  Penalty  in  Ameri 
against  spies  and  traitors 
The  Defeat  of  Germany 


fhe  Prevention  of  Disease 


MORE  POWER  FOR  THE  MEDICAL 
DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  ARMY 


THE  Bill  now  pending  before  Congress  for 
the  reorganization  of  the  Medical  De- 
partment of  the  Army  is  of  as  grave 
importance  as  anj^  measure  that  has 
jeen  presented  since  the  American  nation  entered 
jthe  present  war,  and  its  fate  may  determine 
:.he  final  issue  of  the  war.  When  it  is  remem- 
oered  that  the  Medical  Department  has  to  com- 
bat a foe,  that  in  all  the  great  wars  of  history, 
excepting  the  Russo-Japanese,  has  caused  80 
't  per  cent,  of  the  entire  mortality — never  less 
dian  four  times,  and  often  twenty  times  as  many 
as  the  artillery,  infantry,  shells  and  all  other 
1 methods  of  physical  destruction  combined,  the 
responsibility  and  importance  of  the  medical 
officer  in  war  will  be  appreciated. 

The  Department  he  represents  has  never 
had  the  necessary  authority  to  enable  it  to  re- 
duce this  frightful  eighty  per  cent  mortality  to 
a minimum,  and  to  do  so  without  in  any  way  in- 
terfering with  the  strategy,  or  military  opera- 
tions of  the  war. 

The  Medical  Department  of  our  Army  is 
founded  on  the  traditions  of  the  British  Medical 
Department  of  1776,  when  preventive  medicine 
was  an  unknown  science,  and  the  duty  of  the 
! medical  officer  was  to  cure  disease,  instead  of 
preventing  it — of  locking  the  stable  door  after 
]Hhe  theft  had  been  committed. 

Our  medical  officers  have  never  had  the  neces- 
sary rank  and  authority  to  prevent  the  develop- 
ment of  the  epidemics  and  other  diseases  in  our 
'tArmy  that  have  caused  the  frightful  mortality 
incident  to  War.  Witness  the  records  of  the 
Spanish-American  War  in  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico 
and  in  the  Philippines,  which  practically  typify 
the  conditions  that  existed  in  the  Boer  War  in 
; South  Africa,  in  our  own  Civil  War  of  61-64, 
in  the  Russo-Turkish  War,  and  in  the  British 
campaign  in  the  Crimea. 

The  Porto-Rican  Expedition  in  the  opera 
bouffe  performance  known  as  the  Spanish  War 
may  be  taken  as  an  example,  for  nowhere  in 
history  is  there  found  a more  illuminating  in- 
stance, a graver  lesson,  or  a more  terrible  warn- 
ing than  is  there  portrayed.  For  our  country, 
it  is  the  “Mene,  Mene,  Tekel  Upharsin,” — the 
handwriting  on  the  wall,  so  easily  decipherable 
that  he  who  runs  may  read ; and  yet,  in  the  glory 


in  the  War 


'H0,9  Z71>-Z, 


of  victory,  and  the  enjoyment  of  prosperity,  iti 
lesson  has  passed  unheeded. 

The  story  of  the  Expedition  is  brief.  Abou  J 
20,000  American  troops  landed  in  Porto  Rico 
while  the  Spanish  on  the  Island  numbered  abom 
17,000.  Several  skirmishes  occurred,  in  which 
according  to  the  Surgeon  General’s  report 
three  men  were  lost  from  the  casualties  of  war 
The  object  of  the  war,  the  breaking  of  the  chains 
of  Spanish  despotism  and  spoliation,  which  foi 
centuries  had  held  a race  in  shameful  moral  serf- 
dom, was  soon  accomplished,  and  the  war — from 
the  strictly  military  standpoint,  was  over 
From  our  first  arrival,  the  natives  of  the  island 
welcomed  our  battalions  with  vivas  of  applause 
strewing  our  advancing  march  with  flowers,  and 
their  masses  were  prepared  to  joyfully  second 
our  efforts  for  their  complete  emancipation. 

That  is  the  beautiful  story  history  presents. 
Lest  we  forget,  as  a Nation,  and  lie  supine  in  the 
easy  content  of  this  picture,  let  me  invite  atten- 
tion for  a moment  to  a further  study  of  the  re- 
port of  the  Surgeon  General  for  that  war.  It 
states  that,  although  only  three  men  fell  from 
the  casualties  of  battle  during  that  entire  cam- 
paign in  Porto  Rico,  262,  or  nearly  one  hundred 
times  as  many,  died  from  preventable  causes. 
It  fails,  however,  to  state  that  the  number  of 
hospital  admissions,  nearly  equaled  the  entire 
strength  of  the  invading  army,  and  that  the 
camps  of  the  army,  from  one  end  of  the  island 
to  the  other,  were  pestiferous  hot-beds  of  dis- 
ease, before  they  had  been  occupied  a month; 
so  that,  had  the  bugle  sounded  for  action,  only  a 
small  percentage  of  the  units  would  have  been 
in  a condition  to  respond  to  the  call.  Nor  was 
this  state  of  affairs  confined  to  Porto  Rico.  In 
the  invading  armies  of  the  Philippines  and  Cuba 
the  same  conditions  prevailed. 

The  official  figures  as  shown  on  the  following 
table  were  furnished  me  by  the  Surgeon  Gen- 
eral of  the  Army,  on  the  10th  day  of  October, 
1905,  and  cover  the  vital  statistics  of  the  United 
States  Military  Expeditions  for  the  year  1898. 

Deaths 

Deaths  from  from 
Battle  Casualties.  Disease. 


In  the  Philippine  Islands 17  203 

In  Porto  Rico 3*  262 

In  Cuba 273  567 

In  the  U.  S.  Home  Camps,  etc 2,649 


Total  deaths 293  3,681 


Or  about  one  from  casualties  to  thirteen  from 
disease. 

The  report  further  shows  that  while  the  aver- 
age mean  strength  of  the  army  enlisted  for  the 

♦Two  of  these  deaths  resulted  from  a stroke  of 
lightning  in  a thunder  storm. 


it  mish  War  was  about  170,000,  the  total  num- 
of  admissions  to  the  hospitals  was  on  Sep- 
011  iber  10,  1898,  over  158,000,  or  90  per  cent. 
ico  is  in  a war  of  less  than  three  months  dura- 
ou  a,  and  in  which  more  than  three-fourths  of 
ii  soldiers  never  left  the  camps  of  their  native 
d d. 

'3i  The  Japanese  army  for  the  same  period  had 
is  >ut  4 per  cent,  hospital  admissions,  or  one 
it)!  snty-second  times  as  many. 

'The  vast  difference  in  favor  of  the  Japanese 
>H  ares  illustrates  the  value  of  a medical  and 
oi  litary  department  properly  equipped  to  en- 
« ce  practical  sanitation,  dietary,  and  other  pre- 
■ itive  measures. 

11  The  greatest  tragedy  of  War  lies  not  on  the 
11  ;tle  field  but  in  the  failure  of  a government  to 
itect  its  guardians  from  preventable  diseases, 
; reby  immeasurably  increasing  the  suffering 
1 mortality  incident  to  it.  This  can  be  largely 
svented  by  giving  the  medical  officer  authority 
enforce  sanitation,  and  supervisory  control 
ir  the  rations  of  the  troops. 

Every  death  from  preventable  disease  is  an 
ult  to  the  intelligence  of  the  age.  If  it  occurs 
the  army,  it  becomes  a governmental  crime, 
om  the  beginning  the  State  deprives  the  sol- 
:r  of  his  liberty,  prescribes  his  hours  of  rest, 
exercise,  equipment,  dress,  diet,  and  the  lo- 
ity  in  which  he  shall  reside;  and  in  the  hour 
danger  it  expects  him,  if  necessary,  to  lay 
wn  his  life  in  defence  of  its  honor.  It  should, 
srefore,  give  him  the  best  sanitation  and  the 
1st  medical  supervision  the  science  of  the  age 
a devise,  be  it  American,  Japanese  or  Pata- 
nian, — a fact  of  which  Congress  will  do  well 
1 take  cognizance  at  the  earliest  moment.  For, 
fit  as  surely  as  the  engineer  who  disregards  the 
j;nals,  or  the  train  dispatcher  who  gives  wrong 
iders,  is  legally  responsible  for  the  loss  of 
man  life  in  the  wreck  which  follows,  so  Con- 
ess,  or  the  medical  system  of  our  Army,  is 
[sponsible  for  all  soldiers’  lives  that  are  need- 
gssly  and  criminally  sacrificed, — not  on  the 
orious  field  of  battle,  but  in  diseased  camps, 
)m  preventable  causes. 

Herbert  Spencer,  in  his  “Synthetic  Philos- 
hy,”  refers  to  “the  ill  treatment  accorded  the 
edical  officers  of  the  English  Army  as  a late 
‘rvival  of  the  days  of  feudalism,  and  contempt 
Ir  the  purely  scientific.” 

If  wars  are  inevitable,  and  the  slaughter  of 
en  must  go  on  (and  I believe  wars  are  inevi- 

Ible,  and  that  most  of  them  are  ultimately 
meficial),  then  let  our  men  be  killed  legiti- 
ately  on  the  field,  fighting  for  the  stake  at 
sue,  and  not  dropped  by  the  wayside  from 
■eventable  disease,  as  they  did  in  the  Spanish- 


American  War — 1,300  for  every  100  that  died 
action.  It  is  for  the  1,300  brave  fellows  who 
needlessly  sacrificed,  never  for  the  100  who  f 
gallantly  fighting,  that  I offer  my  prayer. 

I believe  that  if  our  Medical  Department 
the  Spanish-American  War  had  been  systen 
tized,  with  sufficient  numbers,  with  supervise 
control  over  the  ration,  and  with  power 
enforce  sanitary  and  hygienic  regulatioi 
the  men  of  our  army  would  have  returned  to  thP 
homes  at  the  close  of  the  campaign,  in  bet 
physical  condition  than  when  they  entered 
improved  by  their  summer  outing. 

An  army  might  be  suffering  from  diarrhea  (j 
slight  intestinal  catarrh,  due  to  change  of  wat 
of  ration,  or  climate  (and  I have  seen  90  ]! 
cent,  of  an  entire  command  in  this  condition  i 
one  time),  compelled  to  live  on  a diet  of  pc 
and  beans  and  fermented  canned  rubbish  tl 
in  six  weeks  prostrated  50  per  cent,  of  its  nu: 
ber  with  intestinal  diseases,  and  sent  three  the 
sand  to  their  everlasting  homes,  to  say  nothi 
of  the  enormous  number  invalided,  and  the  sc 
enty-five  thousand  pension  claims  that  follow 
as  the  result.  Until  the  men  were  admitted 
hospital  wards  the  medical  officer  had  no  s 
thority  to  even  order  a rice  diet,  which  woi 
have  prevented  the  men  from  becoming  inv 
lided.  This  was  one  of  the  principal  caus 
that  brought  our  army  of  170,000  men 
the  Spanish  War  almost  to  its  knees  i 
three  months,  and  sent  the  survivors  hor 
in  the  shrunken  and  shriveled  conditl 
which  many  of  us  still  remember. 

In  all  the  wars  in  which  the  United  Stai 
have  engaged,  disease  has  been  responsible  1 
more  than  70  per  cent,  of  the  mortality,  me 
than  half  of  which  could  have  been  easily  pi 
vented,  had  the  Medical  Department  be 
properly  empowered  to  meet  its  obligatio; 
Preventable  disease,  more  than  wounc 
swells  the  pension  list.  Statistics  of  t 
Pension  Office  prove  that  if  this  unnecessa 
loss  had  been  avoided,  the  saving  in  pensic 
alone,  in  every  war  in  which  America  has  pc 
ticipated,  would  have  paid  the  cost  of  the 
suiting  war  in  every  twenty- five  years.  Asi! 
from  the  sorrow  of  the  homes  made  desola 
consider  the  economic  value  of  the  70  per  cei; 
of  lives  needlessly  sacrificed,  that  might  ha 
been  saved  as  breadwinners  in  industrial  pursui 

In  an  address  delivered  before  the  Intern 
tional  Congress  of  Military  Surgeons  in  19( 
after  my  return  from  the  Russo-Japanese  Wc 
I said: 

“Perhaps  the  day  is  not  distant  when  anoth 
summons  will  come  to  join  the  Army  of  the  R 
public,  when  the  first  call  may  be,  not  as  in  ti 


ri  ivil  War  for  75,000  men,  nor  as  in  the  Spanish 
) 7ar  for  250,000,  but  when,  more  likely  it  will 
2 for  a round  half  million,  to  be  followed  pos- 
bly  by  another  of  equal  number.  And  the 
i|  aestion  will  be  asked  by  the  young  patriot  of 
lat  day,  not  “who  is  the  enemy  to  be  met,” — 
3,  the  American  boy  is  not  built  that  way, — 
at  he  will  demand  to  know  what  measures 
ave  been  taken  to  insure  him  against  the 
lent  enemy  that  kills  the  eighty  per  cent, 
nd  when  he  learns  the  same  prehistoric  regu- 
.tions  as  to  sanitation  and  protection  against 
lis  foe  are  in  force  as  existed  in  1904,  will  he 
jispond  to  his  country’s  call?  Yes,  he  will — 
,>r  that  is  the  way  the  American  boy  is  built, 
nd  he  will  follow,  as  did  his  forebears,  in  their 
lotsteps;  and  he  will  fall  by  the  wayside  as 
lev  did  before.  And  history  will  record  an- 
ther crime.” 

We  see  by  the  light  of  thousands  of  years, 

And  the  knowledge  of  millions  of  men, 

The  lessons  they  learned  through  blood  and  in  tears 
Are  ours  for  the  reading,  and  then 
■iVe  sneer  at  their  errors  and  follies  and  dreams, 

Their  frail  idols  of  mind  and  of  stone, 

And  call  ourselves  wiser,  forgetting  it  seems, 

That  the  future  may  laugh  at  our  own.” 

Give  the  Medical  Officer  rank,  and  authority, 
l all  matters  apertaining  to  sanitation  and  pre- 
entable  disease,  and  supervision  over  the  ration, 
lrhen  such  authority  will  not  interfere  with  the 
trategy  of  the  officer  of  the  line;  and  then,  if 
pidemics  or  other  preventable  diseases  occur, 
ave  him  court-martialed  and  cashiered  from 
he  Army,  as  though  he  were  a traitor  and  a spy. 

Respectfully  yours, 

Louis  Livingston  Seaman, 

Late  Surgeon  Major  U.  S.  Vol.  Engineers. 
3 Spartanburg,  S.  C.,  March  28,  1918. 

| 


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Report  of 

DR.  LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN 
President  of 

The  British  War  Relief  Association,  Inc.  of  New  York 


and  member  of  the  Advisory  Board  of 

The  American  Volunteer  Motor  Ambulance  Corps,  Inc. 


/£//  Tr/  1 7 


(Section  Sanitaire  Americaine  No.  7)  of  France 
to  the  members  of 

The  British  War  Relief  Association,  Inc., 

on  his  return  from  his  second  visit  to  the  War  Zone 
October  23rd,  1916. 


To  say  that  I am  delighted  to  be  with  you  again,  would  very 
inadequately  express  my  thanks  for  such  a welcome.  But  it  is 
sincerely  appreciated  and  I am  more  than  happy  to  see  the  work  of 
the  Association  being  pushed  so  vigorously,  for  there  never  was  a 
tiqie  when  it  was  so  terribly  needed  as  at  the  present  moment. 

During  the  past  two  months,  Mrs.  Seaman  and  I have  indeed 
had  rather  a lurid  series  of  experiences — incidents  that  make  one 
believe,  that  a crowded  hour  of  glorious  life,  is  worth  an  age  with- 
out, an  aim.  Even  our  crossings  could  hardly  be  called  monotonous. 
No  sooner  had  we  passed  the  Light  Ship,  than  we  encountered  our 
Fleet  practicing  their  summer  maneuvers  off  Newport — and  later 
three  British  Cruisers  were  seen  patrolling  the  ocean  highway.  On 
approaching  the  French  Coast  two  torpedo  boats  met  us,  and  traw- 
lers, with  minesweepers,  convoyed  us  safely  to  the  harbor  at  Bor- 
deaux. 

On  our  return  voyage  in  a British  steamer,  “U-53,”  which  on 
the  previous  day  had  sunk  three  ships,  was  in  our  waters  when  a 
wireless  message  from  a British  Cruiser  warned  us  that  she  lay 
directly  in  our  path.  Life  belts  were  ordered,  life  boats  lowered, 
the  ship  sealed,  and  we  followed  a zig  zag  course  for  many  miles 
until  we  escaped  the  destroyer.  Our  passenger  list  was  larger  than 
any  since  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania,  and  it  was  pitiable  to  see 
the  terror  among  the  old  men  and  women  in  the  steerage,  although 
all  showed  good  courage  in  facing  what  seemed  to  be  an  inevitable 
fate. 

The  first  real  evidences  of  War  seen  in  France  were  many 
hundreds  of  men  with  large  letters  printed  on  their  backs,  “P.  G.” 
Prisonniers  de  Guerre.  They  were  well  fed,  healthy  looking  Ger- 
mans who  had  been  detailed  by  the  French  to  a better  employment 
than  murdering  women  and  children  and  spreading  death  and  de- 
struction in  the  burning  of  cities.  As  we  passed  through  the 
country , between  Bordeaux  and  Paris,  the  absence  of  men  was  most 
noticeable.  Women  and  little  children  were  toiling  in  the  fields, 
gathering  the  harvests,  or  plowing  for  the  coming  crops,  while 
the  men  were  doing  their  duty  in  the  Army. 

In  Paris  we  made  the  Hotel  Edward  VII.  our  headquarters 
and  our  first  visit  was  made  to  the  American  Relief  Clearing 
House  which  was  formerly  the  home  of  Mr.  Herrick,  the  American 

104308 


Ambassador.  It  is  recognized  by  the  French  Government  as  an 
institution  of  great  power  and  influence,  and,  after  troops  and 
munitions  of  war,  its  freight  is  given  right  of  way  on  all  railroads. 

It  is  superbly  organized  with  Executive  Officers  who  are  in  touch 
with  the  British  as  well  as  the  French  Hospitals,  and  who  push  its 
work  with  dispatch.  It  controls  three  enormous  warehouses  from 
which  most  of  its  goods  are  distributed  to  sections  of  the  War 
Zone.  Many  thousand  cases  are  sent  to  be  distributed  at  the  dis- 
cretion of  its  Officers.  5300  were  received  the  week  we  were  there. 

I regard  this  Institution  as  the  one  above  all  others  that  ac- 
complishes the  most  direct  work  of  Relief  in  France.  Mr.  Beatty 
Chairman,  and  Mr.  Barbour,  its  Secretary,  are  untiring  in  their 
zeal,  and  their  work  has  won  universal  admiration. 

They  give  you,  Ladies  of  the  British  War  Relief  Ass’n,  great 
commendation  for  your  generous  contributions  and  especially  for 
the  well  packed,  uniformly  sized  cases  we  send.  It  was  a rare 
pleasure  to  recognize  these  familiar  boxes,  many  of  which  arrived 
while  we  were  there,  having  come  by  the  Lafayette  on  which  we 
had  crossed,  thus  proving  the  promptness  with  which  shipments 
are  dispatched  and  delivered. 

Every  recognized  American  Relief  Association  has  a Bastion 
or  Warehouse,  over  seventy  of  which  were  given  by  the  French 
Government.  They  are  located  on  a part  of  the  old  Champs  de  Mars, 
near  the  Trocadero.  Here,  repacking,  or  redirecting  of  cases  is 
done  by  ladies  connected  with  the  various  Associations,  after  which 
they  are  forwarded  to  their  destinations. 

The  Surgical  Dressings  Committee  desire  to  accomplish  the 
federation  of  work  under  its  direction,  with  headquarters  in  Paris. 

It  is  in  close  touch  with  and  supplies  the  needs  of  many  hospitals. 

We  next  visited  the  Hotel  Astoria  on  the  Champs  Elysees  the 
Paris  headquarters  of  the  British  Red  Cross,  with  Colonel  Robin- 
son in  command.  Not  many  Officers  or  men  are  there  at  present, 
as  the  British  wounded  are  sent  to  England  with  all  possible  cel- 
erity. 

It  was  here  that  the  Japanese  Red  Cross  had  its  Unit  during 
the  first  year  of  the  War,  and  left  an  enviable  record.  Doctor  Rob- 
inson sends  his  warmest  thanks  to  you  all  for  your  many  contri- 
butions, especially  to  Mrs.  Rice  for  the  generous  supply  of  anes- 
thetics recently  received. 

The  American  Ambulance  at  Neuilly,  where  I saw  our  dress- 
ings in  use,  is  continuing  its  magnificent  work  for  humanity.  As 
you  probably  know  this  institution  was  in  process  of  erection  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  War,  and  was  designed  for  a public  school  to 
be  known  as  the  Lycee  Pasteur,  named  for  that  great  genius  of 
France  who  discovered  the  microbic  origin  of  disease,  and  whose 
name  will  go  down  to  posterity  as  long  as  history  lasts.  One  can 
easily  imagine  the  delight  with  which  that  great  savant,  would 
have  watched  the  reconstruction  of  the  mutilated  heroes,  wounded 
while  fighting  for  the  honor  and  liberty  of  their  beloved  Country. 
Our  American  Surgeons  there,  are  making  a specialty  in  plastic 
operations,  especially  in  restoring  faces  and  jaws.  One  of  the  most 
serious  cases  was  a British  Officer  whose  face  had  been  almost  en- 
tirely blown  away  by  a fragment  of  shrapnel,  and  which  is  being  ; 


2 


gradually  restored  by  grafting  on  new  tissue.  The  courage  with 
which  such  victims  face  not  only  death,  but  life,  is  one  of  the  mar- 
vels of  the  age. 

The  French  Wounded  Emergency  Fund,  with  headquarters  in 
London  under  the  Patronage  of  H.  E.  The  British  Ambassador,  is 
an  Association  deserving  high  commendation,  and  one  with  which 
we  should  come  in  closer  touch.  It  is  doing  fine  work  in  Brittany, 
and  near  the  firing  line  in  France. 

The  American  Fund  for  French  Wounded,  to  which  we  have 
contributed,  typifies  the  spirit  of  France  as  it  exists  today.  It  is 
located  in  the  Building  of  the  old  Alcazar,  formerly  one  of  the 
gayest  resorts  of  Paris  where  sounds  of  revelry  were  heard,  not 
only  by  night,  but  in  the  wee  hours  of  the  morning.  But  what  a 
transformation.  Today  its  gilded  halls  are  filled  with  surgical 
dressings  and  vast  stores  of  hospital  supplies  gathered  from  all 
parts  of  our  country,  and  being  distributed  for  the  restoration  of 
the  victims  of  this  awful  tragedy.  In  the  temporary  absence  of 
Mrs.  Lathrop,  Miss  Vail  was  performing  her  duties,  and  bade  me 
thank  you  for  our  part  in  their  work.  They  placed  a military 
motor  at  my  disposal  in  which  we  visited  several  hospitals  in  the 
environs.  Among  them  Doctor  Blake’s  Institution  at  Ris  Orangis 
where  we  saw  many  more  familiar  British  War  Relief  Dressings 
and  where  he  and  Doctor  Taylor  are  doing  some  of  the  best  surgi- 
cal work  of  the  War  in  the  treatment  of  comminuted  fractures  with 
destruction  of  large  areas  of  tissue  by  shrapnel  shells. 

Another  institution  where  special  War  Surgery  is  proving 
most  successful  is  at  the  Hospital  of  St.  Nicholas,  where  seventy- 
five  patients  suffering  from  appalling  burns  from  explosive  shells, 
clouds  of  flame  and  tar  shells,  were  being  treated  with  wonderful 
results. 

The  method  consists  in  thoroughly  sterilizing  the  wound 
and  then  applying  a spray  of  liquid  wax  and  paraffin  at  a high 
temperature  to  the  raw  surfaces.  The  excruciating  pain  is  relieved 
almost  instantly,  and  new  skin  tissue  rapidly  forms  over  the  entire 
wound,  instead  of  leaving  cicatricial  tissue  and  the  frightful  scars, 
which  formerly  characterized  such  cases.  Paraffin  is  difficult  to 
obtain  in  France,  and  a special  appeal  is  made  for  it.  I know  of 
few  nobler  purposes  to  which  we  could  devote  some  of  our  offerings. 

Miss  Winifred  Holt  at  The  Phare  a beautiful  old  mansion  be- 
longing to  the  Pope,  had  thirty-five  soldiers  who  are  totally  blind. 
The  home  resembles  a club  where  these  unfortunates  live  and  are 
being  instructed,  as  in  the  Light  House  in  New  York,  in  weaving, 
typewriting,  telephoning  and  other  ways  which  will  enable  them  to 
become  self  supporting.  They  were  thankful  for  the  Braille  Records 
sent  from  The  British  War  Relief.  A little  romance  in  the  Insti- 
tute occurred  while  we  were  there,  and  resulted  in  the  wedding  of 
a French  nurse  with  one  of  the  blind  soldiers  she  had  found,  not 
only  blind,  but  insane  from  shock,  and  under  her  care,  had  re- 
covered his  reason. 

The  National  work  for  the  blind  victims  of  the  War  is  at 
Reuilly,  where  Government  re-education  is  being  carried  out  on  an 
extensive  scale.  Hundreds  of  men  are  here  taught  the  art  of  bas- 
ket making,  finishing  and  assembling  castings  for  motor  cars,  shoe 


3 


making,  anatomy  and  message  telegraphing  and  other  occupations. 
The  Institution  was  formerly  a Monastery  surrounded  by  beauti- 
ful gardens  and  parks.  Many  French  ladies  come  here  during 
recreation  hours,  acting  as  attendants  as  well  as  friends,  and 
making  it  seem  almost  as  a garden  party  to  the  passer-by,  in  con- 
trast to  the  terrible  tragedy  of  which  the  men  are  the  victims. 
There  is  no  self  pity  there — and  sounds  of  laughter  are  often  heard. 

At  the  Grand  Palais  on  the  Champs  Elysees.the  vocational  re- 
education of  the  mutilated  is  being  conducted  on  a magnificent 
scale.  Instead  of  the  usual  display  of  the  works  of  the  greatest 
masters  of  the  world, — there  are  now  seen  thousands  of  the  wrecks 
of  humanity  who  have  recovered  from  their  wounds  and  are  being 
taught  useful  trades.  Peasants,  incapacitated  from  rural  pursuits 
by  the  loss  of  one  or  perhaps  both  legs  are  being  taught  shoe-mak- 
ing, tailoring,  designing,  or  as  barbers,  soap-makers,  and  other 
trades.  It  is  a veritable  beehive  of  industry,  where  men  are  being 
renewed  with  hope,  and  made  self-supporting,  and  self-respecting. 
Often  you  hear  them  making  gruesome  jokes  on  their  own  mis- 
fortunes, but  always  with  the  spirit  of  courage  and  good  cheer.  It 
is  the  spirit  of  France  which  cannot  be  crushed,  but  which,  “Phoe- 
nix like,  from  its  ashes  will  rise  again  to  Jove.” 

In  another  section  of  this  Grand  Palais,  formerly  the  home  of 
the  masterpieces  of  the  greatest  artists  of  the  world,  and  treasures 
which  rival  those  of  the  Louvre,  and  Vatican,  may  now  be  seen 
hundreds  of  the  maimed,  fresh  from  the  Battlefields  of  Verdun  and 
the  North, — with  their  Red  Cross  attendants,  who  have  dbne  so 
much  to  palliate  the  sufferings  and  horrors  of  War.  But  in  all  this 
vast  throng  one  rarely  hears  a moan  or  complaint. 

In  contrast  to  these  scenes  and  just  across  the  way  stands 
the  Petit  Palais  where  are  found  treasures  brought  from  the 
ruins  of  France  and  Flanders,  and  tapestries  picturing  the  wreck- 
age and  desolation  of  battle  scenes,  centuries  old,  depicting  the 
bravery  of  the  men  of  France,  who  in  ancient  days  fought  for  the 
same  liberty,  and  same  ideals,  they  are  now  giving  their  life  blood 
so  freely  to  protect. 

Le  Secours  de  Guerre,  in  the  old  Seminary  of  Champs  Sulpice, 
in  Paris,  to  which  we  have  also  sent  many  contributions,  was  most 
interesting.  Over  2,000  refugees,  of  more  than  600  are  children 
from  the  invaded  districts,  here  find  a happy  home,  where  all  are 
given  work,  and  the  children  are  trained  in  athletic  exercises,  as 
well  as  by  books.  The  Institution  was  started  by  the  Police  and 
Tradesmen  of  the  District,  but  has  since  been  taken  over  by  the 
Minister  of  War  and  the  City  of  Paris.  Here,  came  these  poor 
refugees  almost  naked,  and  were  fed  and  given  lodgings  and  re- 
clothed. A department  for  refitting  and  mending  of  old  clothes, 
and  shops  for  repairing  are  in  active  operation. 

Other  Institutions  that  are  ministering  to  hundreds  of  the 
needy  are  those  of  Mrs.  Wharton,  Madame  Pinto,  Mrs.  Mygatt, 
Mrs.  Duryea  and  Madame  d’Hemptinne,  whilst  Mrs.  Robert  W. 
Bliss,  who  organized  the  American  Distributing  Service,  has  her 
own  motor  trucks,  whereby  relief  is  given  to  many  distressing 
cases,  off  the  main  travelled  roads. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Watson  of  the  American  Church  in  Paris,  is  on 


4 


many  of  the  Official  Committees,  representing  French,  Belgian,  and 
British  interests.  His  work  cannot  be  too  highly  commended.  I 
make  another  special  appeal  for  him.  Each  month  he  supplies 
1,000  pairs  of  socks  to  the  Belgian  Army,  which  is  but  a small  item 
of  his  daily  output,  and  our  assistance  is  greatly  needed. 

Mile.  De  Guilhou  is  doing  excellent  work  for  the  impoverished 
ladies  of  France,  and  the  splendid  generosity  of  wealthy  Americans 
in  Paris  is  evidenced  at  the  palatial  homes  of  James  S.  Stillman, 
Mr.  Hyde,  and  others  who  have  turned  their  houses  into  temporary 
hospitals  or  convalescent  homes  for  French  Officers. 

It  is  acts  of  this  nature,  and  the  splendid  work  you  and  the 
women  of  America  are  doing  that  has  endeared  America  to  the 
hearts  of  the  French  Nation. 

France  is  now  federating  all  Refugee  Associations  under  the 
government  supervision,  especially  where  they  relate  to  the  care 
and  education  of  the  War  Orphans  upon  which  the  Country  de- 
pends largely  for  its  future  prosperity.  The  fate  of  these  little  ones 
in  both  France  and  Belgium  is  causing  much  solicitude;  for  both 
Countries  sadly  need  them  for  the  restoration  of  their  lost  popu- 
lations. Baron  Vitea  has  established  an  Orphanage  for  2,500  such 
children  in  the  University  of  Faubourg.  It  is  called  the  Univer- 
site-Populaire-du-Faubourg-Saint-Antoine,  where  a pledge  is  given 
that  the  little  ones  will  never  be  abandoned  to  vice  or  misery.  Mrs. 
Bliss,  Madame  Carton  de  Wiart  and  others,  are  doing  the  same 
noble  work. 

For  many  years,  Germany  has  practically  monopolized  the 
export  trade  in  toys.  One  of  the  interesting  institutions  for  the 
employment  of  convalescent  soldiers  is  the  making  of  toys  to  sup- 
ply this  trade,  and  the  result  is  proving  most  satisfactory.  Presi- 
dent Poincaire,  is  its  President,  and  it  promises  to  become  a 
national  industry. 

One  Sunday  morning,  we  motored  to  Compiegne,  some  fifty 
miles  from  Paris  through  much  of  the  Country  fought  over  in  the 
Seventy  Days  Battle  of  the  Oise  and  the  Marne,  passing  through 
the  ruins  of  Senlis  on  the  way  route.  It  was  here  the  Germans 
demonstrated  their  chivalry  by  burning  the  town  and  shooting  the 
Maire  and  his  Cabinet  because  a few  defenders  of  the  place  were 
discovered  in  it,  after  they  supposed  it  had  been  evacuated.  They 
buried  the  Maire  with  his  feet  in  the  air.  This  great  battle  will 
pass  in  history  as  the  pivotal  one  of  the  War,  for  it  was  here,  and 
on  the  Oise  and  the  Aisne,  that  the  Germans  were  beaten  back,  back, 
from  Meaux, — twelve  miles  from  Paris,  to  the  hills  fifty  miles  be- 
yond, near  Soissons,  and  Compiegne,  where  they  are  entrenched 
today.  In  a beautiful  old  Chateau  transformed  into  an  up-to-date 
ambuance  by  its  presiding  genius  Doctor  Alexis  Carrel,  we  halted. 
And  here  is  being  done  the  most  scientific  and  brilliant  surgery  of 
this  war.  The  method  by  which  this  result  is  attained  is  by  con- 
stant irrigation  of  the  wound  with  a simple  solution  of  chloride  of 
lime,  carbonate  of  soda  and  bicarb  of  soda,  brought  in  contact  with 
every  part  of  the  wound  by  little  rubber  tubes,  which  kill  septic 


5 


germs,  and  by  so  doing,  all  pain  is  at  once  relieved.  Soldiers  with 
terrible  wounds  of  extremities  which  in  past  wars  would  have 
been  treated  by  prompt  amputation,  are  now  cured  in  three  or  four 
months  and  returned  to  their  Colors.  Compound  comminuted 
fractures  with  frightful  lacerations  and  loss  of  tissue,  resulting 
from  shrapnel  and  explosions,  even  when  seriously  infected  and 
septic,  are  sterilized  by  this  process  and  successfully  treated  as 
simple  fractures.  Never  have  I passed  a more  illuminating  day 
than  the  one  with  this  distinguished  surgeon,  as  we  moved  from 
laboratory  to  ward  and  from  patient  to  patient,  listening  to  his 
words  of  wisdom  and  witnessing  the  wonderful  results  of  his 
genius.  I asked  him,  in  what  manner  our  Association  could  serve 
him.  “Send  me  Rubber  Gloves,”  he  said.  “They  are  very  difficult 
to  obtain  in  France.”  And  it’s  needless  to  say  they  have  already 
started  on  their  way. 

Our  visit  to  Chateau  d’Annel  was  most  interesting.  It  is  the 
beautiful  home  of  Mrs.  C.  Mitchell  Depew,  the  first  residence  con- 
verted into  an  Ambulance  in  this  great  war.  As  we  entered  the 
door,  the  booming  of  the  enemies’  guns  could  be  distinctly  heard.  It 
became  an  Ambulance  on  the  29th  of  August,  1914,  and  was  ac- 
cepted by  Lord  Kitchener  twelve  hours  later,  when  its  first  patients 
were  admitted.  On  the  30th  of  August,  the  German  advance  made 
its  evacuation  necessary,  but  on  the  17th  of  Sept,  it  was  again 
opened  under  the  auspices  of  the  British  Red  Cross,  in  whose  ser- 
vice I inspected  it,  on  this  very  Anniversary,  two  years  ago.  It  is 
directly  behind  the  last  line  of  defence,  which  is  exactly  where  it 
was  at  that  time.  Two  British  Batteries  are  located  near  the 

Col  Barton  commanding.  He  and  Major  Holliday  and 

Lieut.  Atkins  came  to  meet  us  and  Dr.  Partridge  conducted  us  to 
the  trenches,  and  wire  entanglements  which  extend  directly  to  the 
Front  line  of  Defence,  or  Firing  Line.  Here  heavy  guns  are  mount- 
ed, and  as  at  Rheims  exchange  of  shells  is  frequent. 

On  the  evening  of  Sept.  12th,  Mr.  Harjes,  Chairman  of  our 
American  Motor  Ambulance  Corps,  called  for  me  and  we  left  Paris 
by  motor  for  Chalons  Sur  Marne.  En  route  to  Verdun  we  passed 
innumerable  trains  of  lorries  loaded  with  supplies  of  munitions  for 
Verdun,  and  at  eight,  next  morning,  reached  Marquenterre,  one  of 
the  fortifications  defending  Verdun,  where  our  Corps  is  stationed. 
Lieut.  Richard  Norton  who  has  been  decorated  by  the  Republic 
with  the  Croix  de  Guerre  gave  us  a warm  welcome.  The  night  had 
been  comparatively  quiet  and  only  four  wounded  had  been  brought 
to  the  Emergency  Hospital.  But  forty  Germans  had  made  their 
escape  from  their  trenches  and  had  surrendered  to  the  French. 
They  reported  the  recent  mortality  among  their  companions  had 
been  terribly  severe.  Realizing  that  to  remain  meant  almost  cer- 
tain death,  they  decided  to  surrender.  While  crossing  “No  Man’s 
Land,”  thirty  of  them  became  frightened  and  refused  to  go  further. 
But  the  other  ten  came  to  the  Lines  and  were  hospitably  received. 
One  of  the  prisoners  told  the  story  of  his  frightened  companions 
and  was  permitted  to  return  to  them.  On  learning  how  their  com- 
rades had  been  treated  they  determined  to  follow  their  example, 
and  soon  they  too,  were  safely  within  the  French  Line.  I conversed 


6 


with  all  of  these  men  and,  every  one  expressed  delight  on  escaping 
from  further  military  service  during  the  War  and  complained  of 
the  cruelty  of  their  officers.  Such  testimony  is  evidence  of  the  loss 
of  morale  that  is  affecting  the  German  Army,  which  is  shown  in 
many  other  ways.  That  of  the  French  was  never  so  fine  as  it  is 
today.  Verdun  has  cost  the  Huns  over  one  half  a million  men,  and 
a loss  of  prestige  from  which  they  will  never  recover. 

All  the  following  night  and  the  next,  the  continuous  artillery 
fire  resembled  the  distant  roar  of  thunder.  Occasionally  there 
were  more  violent  outbursts,  but  the  roar  was  uninterrupted  and 
we  welcomed  the  morning. 

War  as  practiced  today  is  entirely  different  from  anything  here- 
tofore known  in  history.  There  is  none  of  the  pageantry  of  battle, 
as  pictured  in  the  historic  works  of  Meissonier  and  Detaille,  or 
Verestchagen,  with  legions  in  brilliant  uniforms  marching  toward 
each  other  with  fixed  bayonets  or  flashing  sabres;  while  gaily 
plumed  aides  de  camp  on  dashing  steeds  rush  to  and  fro  with  or- 
ders, while  generals  sit  on  their  mounts,  issuing  occasional  com- 
mands, as  the  rattle  of  musketry  and  boom  of  artillery  fills  the  air 
with  their  thunder — all  that  has  passed — dead  as  the  age  of  ro- 
mance. Never  again  will  a great  war  take  place  in  which  the  con- 
testants can  even  see  each  other.  Never  again  will  a great  war 
occur  on  the  surface  of  the  earth  or  on  the  Sea.  It  will  be  fought 
largely  under  ground,  in  the  air,  or  under  water.  Today,  war  is  a 
game  of  hide  and  seek,  where  the  fighting  armies  live  under  ground, 
in  dugouts  or  trenches,  while  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  reserves 
are  completely  conceaeld  in  woods  or  hidden  covers  in  the  rear.  The 
fighting  fronts  are  the  most  advanced  line  of  trenches,  and  “No 
Man’s  Land”  is  between — a space  possibly  not  more  than  100  yards 
in  width.  The  Artillery  of  the  opposing  forces  hurl  their  shells  of 
enormous  calibre  by  thousands  over  the  heads  of  their  own  armies, 
to  the  lines  of  the  enemy  far  beyond,  or  to  his  trenches,  in  an  effort 
to  destroy  him  or  drive  him  from  his  cover,  thus  giving  the  oppos- 
ing force  an  opportunity  to  advance  and  capture  the  trench.  It  is 
then  when  the  terrible  charges  occur,  when  men  are  slaughtered 
by  the  hundred  by  rapid  firing  guns  or  bayonets,  in  hand  to  hand 
fighting.  To  show  one’s  self  at  other  times  is  only  to  become  an 
instant  target  for  some  vigilant  sniper  who  quickly  puts  the  ex- 
posed soldier  hors  de  combat.  Avions,  who  are  the  eyes  of  the 
Army,  direct  the  fire  of  the  Artillery  by  wireless  messages  sent 
from  great  heights.  At  other  times  the  battle  field  often  looks  as 
lonely  as  a deserted  grave-yard — where  are  seen  only  puffs  of 
white  smoke  as  it  bursts  from  some  exploding  shell. 

The  morning  after  our  arrival,  I was  invited  by  the  Command- 
ing Officer,  Col  De to  visit  the  first  line  of  trenches.  It  was 

raining  in  torrents  and  the  Colonel  insisted  upon  my  wearing  a 
long  poncho,  and  a steel  helmet  and  we  started  through  the  tor- 
tuous connecting  trenches  eight  feet  deep  which  wormed  their 
weary  way  three  long  miles  to  the  extreme  front.  Peering  over 
the  parapet  through  a trenchiscope,  and  through  the  net  work  of 
wire  entanglements  we  could  distinctly  see  the  lines  of  the  Boches 
less  than  400  yards  away,  where  they  were  keeping  vigil.  The 
artillery  three  miles  in  our  rear  were  dropping  occasional  75’s  or 


7 


90’s,  as  near  as  the  gunners  could  aim.  At  the  same  time  the  Ar- 
tillery of  the  Germans,  quite  as  far  behind  their  lines  were  return- 
ing the  compliment,  sometimes  with  interest.  One  of  their  shells 
burst  within  ten  yards  and  everyone  except  the  sentinel  hustled 
into  the  dugout  forty  feet  below.  This  was  a dimly  lighted  exca- 
vation, cut  in  the  hard  chalky  clay,  where  the  men  retire  for  safety, 
and  where  some  of  them  sleep.  It  was  comparatively  dry,  and  com- 
fortable, and  safe  from  heavy  shell  fire.  Its  low  walls  were  deco- 
rated with  pictures  and  newspaper  prints  and  it  could  hold  about 
thirty  men.  A communicating  trench  led  to  the  rear,  thus  provid- 
ing an  extra  avenue  of  escape  in  case  of  attack.  The  trenches  are 
always  very  crooked,  to  avoid  the  possibility  of  enfilading  fire. 
Along  their  sides  telephone  and  telegraph  wires  are  fastened  with 
frequent  stations,  where  men  can  communicate  with  each  other,  or 
with  the  artillery  in  the  rear.  In  the  sides  of  the  trenches  little 
niches  are  cut  forming  steps  in  which  the  soldiers  can  sit  if  not 
on  sentinel  duty,  and  every  100  yards  or  so  is  a small  dugout,  ten  or 
twelve  feet  deep,  reached  by  steps  where  the  wounded  are  brought, 
and  given  first  aid.  It  is  usually  lighted  by  candles  and  used  as  a 
dressing  station,  where  men  can  be  made  comparatively  comfort- 
able on  the  rough  beds  provided.  The  first  dressing  is  generally 
done  by  a stretcher  bearer,  who  not  infrequently  paints  the  wounds 
with  iodine,  and  applies  a pad  or  bandage.  (That’s  where  our 
oakum  pads  should  come  in.)  He  also  gives  a tablet  or  hypodermic 
of  morphia  if  the  patient  is  suffering  severely,  in  which  cases  he 
paints  a blue  cross  near  the  wound  to  indicate  to  the  surgeon  that 
this  medicine  has  been  administered.  At  night  the  wounded  man 
is  carried  on  a stretcher  through  the  long  tortuous  connecting 
trench  to  the  rear,  often  two  miles  distant,  where  an  ambulance 
awaits  him,  and  he  is  taken  to  the  nearest  field-hospital,  where  in 
the  morning  he  receives  further  treatment, — that  is,  if  he  is  not 
already  dead.  The  headquarters  of  one  of  the  sections  of  our 
American  Motor  Ambulance  is  near  Marquenterre,  where  twelve 
motors  are  kept  in  constant  readiness  to  answer  emergency  calls. 
Stationary  Balloons  for  observation,  looking  like  enormous  Bo- 
logna sausages,  are  almost  always  in  evidence  near  the  field  of 
action  with  which  wireless  communication  is  maintained  and  avions 
are  frequently  seen  near  the  lines.  On  one  occasion  at  a point  near 
the  German  line  it  was  my  good  fortune  to  see  two  avions,  in  action, 
and  to  hear  the  rattle  of  their  rapid  firing  guns,  but  they  disap- 
peared beyond  the  enemies’  lines.  The  swallow,  a most  graceful 
bird-like  aeroplane  invented  by  the  French,  is  a marvel,  that  sur- 
passes the  German  Fokker  in  speed  and  lightness.  It  can  attain  a 
velocity  of  120  miles  an  hour,  and  has  already  brought  down  many 
of  the  much  vaunted  Fokkers.  We  saw  thirty  of  these  in  the  Aero- 
drome at  Bar  le  Due,  near  which  place  one  of  them  had  vanquished 
its  German  rival  two  days  before.  Often  the  avions  attack  the 
munition  and  supply  trains  on  their  way  to  the  front  and  in  the 
early  days  of  the  war  they  proved  a serious  menace.  It  was  here 
the  artists  of  France  contributed  their  quota  of  protection.  Along 
the  most  exposed  places  they  built  canvas  covered  sheds  over  the 
roadways  and  painted  the  outside  in  colors  resembling  the  adjoin- 
ing fields,  thus  deceiving  the  avions  who  from  a height  failed  to 


8 


distinguish  the  deception.  To  further  carry  out  the  disguise,  some 
distance  away,  they  laid  canvas  or  white  clay  across  the  fields,  in 
imitation  of  a road — and  on  the  canvass  painted  scenes  resembling 
passing  troops  or  lorries  and  munition  trains  which  the  avions  fre- 
quently mistook  for  the  real  thing  and  shelled — while  the  trans- 
ports went  on  safely  under  cover  miles  away.  It  was  a clever  de- 
vice and  worked  successfully.  On  the  way  to  Rheims  we  passed 
many  miles  under  such  protection,  or  where  the  road  was  protected 
by  artificial  hedges  of  brush  or  evergreens. 

We  have  in  all,  75  cars  in  our  American  Vol.  Motor  Ambulance 
at  the  various  stations  among  which  are  two  sent  by  this  Associa- 
tion, both  of  which  have  done  excellent  service.  One  day,  our  men 
evacuated  over  600  wounded.  Eight  of  our  chauffeurs  have  re- 
ceived the  Croix  de  Guerre,  and  all  have  been  “cited  in  orders”  for 
their  courageous  performance  of  duty  while  under  fire.  Two  have 
been  wounded,  one  mortally,  and  two  ambulances  were  splintered 
by  shrapnel.  The  Corps  has  recently  been  reorganized  under  the 
chairmanship  of  Mr.  IT.  H.  Harjes  of  Paris,  and  the  American  Red 
Cross,  with  Lieut.  Norton  as  chief  Officer  in  the  Field,  and  has  been 
made  an  integral  part  of  the  French  Army,  designated  as  “Corps 
Sanitaire  No.  7.”  We  hope  during  the  next  year  to  double  its 
working  force.  * * * 

The  following  Sunday  was  one  long  to  be  remembered.  With 

Commandmant  Etat-Major  of  the  French  Army,  wearing 

his  Croix  de  Guerre,  we  visited  Rheims.  The  country  through 
which  we  ran  with  our  military  car  at  high  speed,  was  one  of  the 
most  beautiful  in  lovely  France.  For  miles  we  followed  the  valley 
of  the  Marne,  on  whose  historic  banks  the  greatest  battle  of  the 
War,  except  Verdun,  was  fought  and  won,  and  thousands  of  little 
crosses  still  mark  the  resting  places  of  many  of  the  men  who  in 
their  last  fight  turned  the  tide  to  victory,  and  drove  the  Hun  back 
to  his  cover.  On  the  way  we  saw  the  beautiful  and  historic  Chateau 
of  the  Duke  de  Chandon,  whose  owner  in  1870  purchased  immunity 
for  the  people  of  Epernay  and  its  vine  clad  hills,  from  Bismarck  for 
500,000  marks,  when  the  German  hordes  were  on  their  triumphant 
march  to  Paris.  History  repeats  itself,  but  with  variations.  To- 
day the  women  are  again  toiling  in  the  fields  and  vineyards 
while  their  men  are  winning  victories  that  will  maintain  their 
liberty, — free  from  the  vassalage  of  the  hated  Hun,  and  his  hated 
Kultur.  It  was  noon  when  we  reached  Rheims,  whose  deserted 
buildings  and  streets  had  been  again  torn  by  bombardment,  only 
two  hours  before  our  arrival.  The  City  resembles  a City  of  the 
Dead.  Blocks  of  houses  had  been  completely  wrecked  by  bursting 
shells,  and  tall  grass  was  growing  between  the  stones  of  the  pave- 
ments, once  crowded  by  a happy  people.  Many  of  the  lone  chim- 
neys like  gaunt  sentinels,  mark  the  scene,  while  great  yawning 
gashes  in  the  walls  of  lonely  buildings  show  the  merciless  punish- 
ment the  enemy  had  inflicted.  It  was  nearly  noon  when  we  reached 
the  Cathedral, — that  marvel  of  mediaeval  architecture,  whose  mag- 
nificent proportions  and  beauty  thrilled  me  almost  as  did  my  first 
sight  of  the  Taj  Mahal,  although  entirely  different.  It  stands 
alone,  deserted — except  by  the  exquisite  and  untouched  statue  of 
of  Jean  d’Arc,  that  faces  its  portals,  as  though  in  mourning  and 

9 


sorrow,  for  the  sins  its  assassins  had  committed.  Heaven  grant 
that  France  may  leave  it  as  it  stands,  scarred  by  the  pitiless  shells 
of  a pitiless  foe,  a perpetual  monument  to  the  most  monstrous 
crime  in  history.  Nothing  could  visualize  more  forcefully  the  hein- 
ous barbarities  and  inhumanity  of  the  Huns,  than  this  architectural 
pile  in  its  silent  dignity  and  beauty. 

The  Sacristan  had  been  notified  of  our  coming,  and  awaited 
us  in  the  Plaza.  He  unlocked  the  temporary  door  that  had  been 
erected  to  protect  the  ruins  and  admitted  us  to  the  interior.  The 
floor  near  the  Eastern  entrance  was  piled  high  with  stones,  por- 
tions of  the  roof  through  which  a large  obus  had  fallen.  At  the 
time  of  the  attack,  many  German  wounded  were  being  carefully 
treated  on  beds  of  straw  by  the  priests  and  attendants  of  the 
Cathedral.  It  was  this  straw  that  caught  fire  when  the  obus  ex- 
ploded and  burned  much  of  the  interior  wood  work  of  one  of  the 
towers,  destroying  several  beautiful  pieces  of  statuary,  and  some 
of  the  pulpits,  while  the  Priests  carried  the  wounded  to  places  of 
safety.  11,255  shells  have  fallen  in  the  City,  more  than  150  of  which, 
— the  Sacristan  informed  us, — had  struck  the  cathedral  marring 
its  marvelous  statuary,  spire,  and  gargoyles.  The  Cathedral  has 
a double  roof,  the  outer  of  which  is  practically  crushed  to  pieces, — 
but  only  two  shells  penetrated  its  heavy  interior  roof.  One  of  these 
tore  an  angry  wound,  and  fell  near  the  altar,  spattering  its  splin- 
ters of  steels  through  the  woodwork,  destroying  many  sacred  pic- 
tures, but  leaving  the  Crucifix,  and  its  symbolism  of  the  supreme 
Agony  unharmed.  It  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  brave  heroes 
of  this  dreadful  tragedy,  are  giving  their  lives  in  the  same  spirit 
that  the  Saviour  gave  his,  as  a sacrifice  for  humanity, — to  escape 
the  hell  of  German  triumph  and  tyranny. 

It  was  gratifying  to  find  the  main  structure,  comparatively 
uninjured.  Although  its  interior  was  badly  wrecked,  its  beautiful 
windows  were  nearly  all  intact,  except  the  Rose  Window,  much  of 
which,  with  its  glorious  12th  Century  glass,  had  been  shattered. 
A few  fragments  were  found  among  the  debris  and  presented  to 
us  by  the  Sacristan  as  souvenirs  of  German  barbarism. 

The  Palace  of  the  Archbishop  which  adjoined  the  Cathedral 
is  a mass  of  indistinguishable  wreckage.  We  passed  through 
deserted  streets  piled  with  the  debris  of  fallen  buildings,  over  which 
vines  are  now  climbing,  with  wild  flowers  among  the  ruins.  Two 
miles  away  are  the  German  entrenchments.  Neither  tramcars 
nor  telephones  nor  gas,  nor  electricity  remains  in  the  city  which  is 
still  under  fire.  The  few  remaining  inhabitants  sleep  in  cellars,  or 
have  their  offices  in  the  great  champagne  caves,  where  schools 
for  the  children  are  conducted.  Curiously  enough,  the  vintages  of 
the  past  two  years  have  been  far  above  the  average,  and  most  of 
the  liquid  sunshine  of  the  hills  and  valleys  of  that  section  of  France, 
is  now  safely  stored  under  ground,  having  been  garnered  and 
pressed  by  the  old  men  and  women  and  children  living  in  these 
caves.  The  city  is  well  stocked  with  provisions  and  fruits  and  vege- 
tables are  abundant,  with  the  prices  lower  than  usual. 

On  the  following  day  in  answer  to  a telegram  received  from 
Dr.  De  Page,  I left  for  Belgium,  passing  through  Etaples,  Boulogne 
and  Calais  on  the  Way.  Imagine  my  delight  on  reaching  Calais 


10 


and  meeting  two  of  Dr.  De  Page’s  Assistants,  who  had  come  from 
La  Panne  in  the  identical  motor  car  that  our  generous  friend  Mrs. 
Stromberg  had  presented  to  him  through  our  Association.  It 
seemed  like  meeting  an  old  friend. 

A run  of  forty  miles  through  a part  of  France  via  Dunkirk, 
brought  us  to  La  Panne,  the  present  home  of  the  great  Surgeon- 
General  of  the  Belgian  Army,  where  on  the  Digue  de  Mer,  we  re- 
newed the  friendship  made  in  the  early  days  of  the  war.  Nearly 
5,000  patients  are  in  the  hospitals  here,  where  the  same  surgical 
technique  as  used  by  Dr.  Carrell  is  being  effectively  practiced.  For 
two  days  I was  the  Doctor’s  guest,  and  with  him  in  the  operating 
room;  and  while  there  was  invited  to  a private  audience  with  H. 
M.  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  bade  me  give  you  her  most  gracious 
thanks  and  greetings.  She  spoke  in  keenest  praise  of  America’s 
generosity  to  her  people,  who,  but  for  this  wonderful  assistance 
would  have  perished  from  the  earth — and  of  the  deep  obligation 
of  her  suffering  country  to  our  land.  She  is  a rare  jewel  without 
the  setting,  proving  the  royal  character,  without  its  pageantry;  a 
fitting  mate  for  the  King  who  will  pass  into  history  as  the  greatest 
hero  of  this  terrible  war.  She  is  living  near  the  sea  in  a private 
villa  near  the  hospitals  which  she  visits  almost  daily  in  her  work  of 
devotion,  and  her  whole  soul  is  wrapped  in  the  welfare  of  her  suf- 
fering people  and  her  desire  to  help  them.  The  King  was  with  his 
troops  at  the  Front  at  the  time  of  my  visit,  and  during  the  day, 
three  British  Cruisers  patrolling  the  sea,  paid  their  compliments  to 
the  Germans  by  throwing  occasional  shells  over  our  heads  to  the 
German  trenches  near  Nieuport. 

On  the  sea  shore,  near  the  hospital,  stands  a rude  little  chapel 
recently  erected.  It  is  known  as  the  Relic  Church,  and  its  pulpit, 
its  font,  and  its  altar,  were  rescued  from  the  wreckage  of  Nieuport, 
and  the  ruined  churches  of  Belgium.  Many  sacred  pictures  of 
rare  beauty  and  age  are  here,  and  ancient  Crucifixes,  marred  and 
scarred  by  the  enemies  shells.  In  strange  contrast,  in  one  corner 
was  piled  a heap  of  brown  stone  cannon  balls,  that  had  been  un- 
earthed by  the  Soldiers  while  digging  the  trenches  near  Nieuport 
and  which  had  been  used  in  the  Battle  of  the  Dunes  centuries  be- 
fore. For  more  than  a thousand  years  Belgium  has  been  the  cock- 
pit of  Europe,  but  the  spirit  of  its  people  is  still  unconquered. 

From  La  Panne  we  visited  Havre,  the  present  seat  of  the  Bel- 
gian Government,  where  we  met  several  of  the  Ministers  of  State 
and  were  told  of  the  work  already  inaugurated  for  the  restoration 
of  the  Belgian  People  and  of  the  colonies  of  orphans,  in  various 
centers  in  France  where  they  are  being  carefully  educated.  On  a hill 
overlooking  the  City,  Le  Comte  de  Renesse  Breidack  has  built  an 
Institution  that  reflects  the  spirit  of  Belgium  better  than  words  can 
picture.  There,  the  human  wreckage  of  the  Army,  is  being  made 
over,  into  self-supporting,  self-respecting  wage  earners  in  various 
trades,  and  where  the  atmosphere  is  one  of  self-content  and  happi- 
ness. Shops  for  various  industries  are  filled  with  legless  shoe- 
makers and  tailors,  and  printers  who  are  now  earning  a fair 
competence.  Basket  and  barrel  making,  metal-lathe  workers, 
cooks  and  bakers,  and  toy  makers  are  here,  and  many  peaceful 
arts  are  being  taught  to  Artisans  who  are  lame  and  blind,  but 


ll 


whose  indomitable  wills  are  conquering  their  cruel  fate.  The 
spirit  of  the  Count,  who  from  wealth  and  power  was  driven  to  pov- 
erty, is  bringing  inspiration  through  his  personality,  to  thousands 
of  men — from  the  depths  of  despair  to  contentment  and  self  sup- 
port. 

We  dined  with  Madame  Chas.  Carton  De  Wiart,  wife  of  the 
Belgian  Minister  of  Justice,  in  an  ancient  castle  in  the  environs  of 
Havre.  It  was  in  strange  contrast  to  the  prison  for  criminals  in  Ber- 
lin, where  she  was  incarcerated  for  three  months,  for  distributing 
the  pastoral  letter  of  Cardinal  Mercier.  When  asked  by  the  Ger- 
man Tribunal  whether  she  had  distributed  these  letters,  she  an- 
swered, “Yes,  and  I am  ready  to  pay  the  penalty.”  After  sentence 
had  been  passed,  she  was  asked  if  she  had  anything  to  say.  Her 
answer  was,  “You  are  illogical.  You  have  condemned  me  for  dis- 
tributing Cardinal  Mercier’s  letter,  but  you  would  not  dare  to  im- 
prison him  on  account  of  the  Catholics  in  Germany.”  Our  em- 
bassy and  that  of  Spain  intervened  on  her  behalf,  but  when  Mr. 
Gerard  our  Minister  called  to  see  her,  the  interview  was  allowed 
only  in  the  presence  of  a German  Officer.  When  asked  regarding 
her  food,  she  said  “I  had  not  known  these  dishes  before,  but  I know 
them  know.”  The  following  day  the  German  Officer  visited  her 
again  and  said  “Madam,  you  will  be  allowed  the  privilege  of  pur- 
chasing your  own  food.”  She  answered,  “For  a privilege  one  must 
say  thank  you.  I cannot  say  thank  you  to  a German.  You  say  I 
may  pay  for  my  food.  That  money  would  go  to  a German.  I would 
rather  starve  than  have  my  money  go  to  a German.”  She  endured 
her  imprisonment  to  the  end,  thus  tipifying  again  the  spirit  of 
Belgium  which  neither  shell,  nor  torture  can  conquer. 

Havre,  Etaples,  Calais  and  Boulogne  are  the  great  war  bases 
of  Great  Britain  in  France.  In  or  near  them  are  now  concen- 
trated camps  with  hundred  of  thousands  of  reserves,  miles  of  ware- 
houses of  army  supplies,  rations  and  munitions,  artillery,  and 
extras  of  almost  every  conceivable  article  used  in  war,  hospitals 
of  enormous  proportions,  kitchens,  laundries,  thousands  of  heavy 
motor  lorries,  stables  for  Cavalry,  and  thousands  of  mules  and 
horses — docks  and  shipping  facilities,  everything  in  short  requisite 
to  equip  and  run  one  of  the  greatest  armies  the  world  had  ever 
seen.  Only  one  who  has  witnessed  them,  can  begin  to  comprehend 
the  gigantic  energies  concentrated  here,  the  enormous  tonnage  re- 
ouisite  for  the  maintenance  of  the  army,  and  the  system  by  which 
the  transport  is  made  to,  and  from  the  Front,  with  scarcely  a fric- 
tion anywhere.  The  conviction  is  inevitable,  that  a country  with 
such  glorious  traditions  such  inexhaustible  resources,  and  such 
spirit  as  animates  her  and  her  Allies,  must  be  invincible.  Conquer 
she  must,  and  conquer  she  will. 

France  is  cut  off  from  England  at  intervals  for  several  days 
at  a time,  owing  to  the  presence  of  submarines  and  movements  of 
the  Navy,  but  our  crossing  from  Havre,  (which  is  made  only  in 
the  night),  required  only  four  hours,  although  three  more  were 
necessary  to  reach  Southampton  through  the  fields  of  sunken  mines. 
London  gave  us  a warm  reception, — almost  equal  to  Antwerp,  two 
years  ago  last  August.  We  had  scarcely  retired  in  our  hotel  on 
Trafalgar  Square,  when  a Zeppelin  sailed  over,  and  dropped  a 

12 


series  of  incendiary  and  explosive  bombs  in  Victoria  Street,  and 
beyond  near  Brixton,  killing  twelve  persons,  mostly  elderly  women 
and  little  children,  and  wounding  many  others.  The  old  mother 
of  a comedian  and  his  little  daughter  were  among  those  killed  by 
the  obus,  the  cap  of  which  I have.  When  we  arrived  on  the  scene 
the  neighbors  were  making  a collection  for  the  benefit  of  the  suf- 
ferers, and  in  the  name  of  the  British  War  Relief  Association  I 
added  five  pounds  to  the  sum  and  was  presented  with  this  sou- 
venir of  German  Kultur.  The  obus  that  fell  on  the  house  played 
grotesque  havoc,  blowing  its  roof  to  a house  on  the  other  side  of 
the  street  and  flinging  floors  and  walls  into  a chaotic  heap.  An- 
other bomb  fell  in  the  middle  of  the  car  track  a few  squares  beyond, 
directly  in  front  of  a public  house,  the  keeper  of  which  had  his 
leg  broken,  the  arm  of  a tobacconist  was  fractured  and  the  contents 
of  his  little  shop  were  blown  into  the  street.  Six  people  were  killed, 
and  many  others,  among  whom  were  several  children  were  seri- 
ously injured.  Not  a single  person  connected  with  the  army 
was  wounded,  nor  was  damage  done  to  any  military  establishment, 
and  yet  the  Huns  still  call  this  War.  To  illustrate  how  undaunted 
the  neighbors  were — in  a shop  where  the  windows  had  been  blown 
out,  and  the  furniture  ruined,  a large  sign  appeared  next  day  “Busi- 
ness as  Usual” — and  in  a Bakery  where  only  the  stove  remained, 
loaves  were  being  sold  as  though  nothing  unusual  had  happened. 

On  the  following  day  we  visited  Maudsly  Hospital  and  its  cele- 
brated nerve  specialist,  Dr.  Wells.  In  this  Institution  were  many 
suffering  from  various  forms  of  neuroses,  brought  on  by  shock 
in  battle,  some  of  them  terrible  to  behold.  Especially  one  poor  fel- 
low who  had  long  been  a prisoner  of  war  in  Germany,  and  is  now 
totally  insane.  Cases  of  paralysis  causing  frightful  distortion,  and 
muscular  tremors,  were  all  too  numerous,  others  were  deaf  and 
dumb,  while  others  had  lost  their  memories.  None  of  these  patients 
had  ever  been  wounded,  and  excellent  results  are  being  obtained 
in  their  treatment,  through  the  prolonged  use  of  hot  baths,  mas- 
sage and  rest, 

Military  hospitals  have  sprung  up  like  mushrooms  in  a night, 
all  over  England,  especially  in  London,  where  there  are  now  no 
less  than  18,629  of  which  are  strictly  under  military  supervision. 
On  several  occasions  we  were  so  fortunate  as  to  be  accompanied 
by  the  sister  of  our  Vice-President,  who  acted  as  our  guide,  phil- 
osopher and  friend,  and  who  is  conducting  a beautiful  work  of  her 
own  among  the  children  of  England,  and  I ask  that  donations  of 
clothing  be  sent  her  for  distribution  among  the  little  ones. 

Commandant  Mrs.  Aubrey  Richardson  of  Dollis  Hill  Hospital, 
formerly  the  house  of  The  Marquis  of  Aberdeen,  was  absent  when 
we  were  in  London,  and  a report  of  her  work  will  be  made  later. 

Many  of  London’s  Hospitals  are  devoted  to  the  treatment  of 
special  injuries,  as  for  instance,  fractures  of  the  jaw  which  are 
treated  mostly  at  Morvay,  and  also  at  Aldershot,  which  I visited 
with  Sir  Arbuthnot  Lane,  and  saw  surgical  reconstruction  work 
similar  to  that  practiced  in  the  American  Ambulance  in  Paris. 
Conservative  Surgery  is  the  rule  in  all  British  Hospitals  and  am- 
putations are  comparatively  rare. 


13 


In  answer  to  the  2,000th  case  sent  by  our  Association,  to  Her 
Majesty,  Queen  Mary,  Lady  Lawson  was  commanded  to  express  her 
thanks  and  appreciation  to  the  British  War  Relief  Association,  and 
to  state  that  Her  Majesty  will  be  glad  to  receive  others  on  behalf 
of  England’s  wounded  heroes. 

At  the  American  Women’s  War  Relief,  of  which  the  Duchess 
of  Marlborough  is  Chairman,  the  greatest  appreciation  was  ex- 
pressed by  Lady  Lowther  for  our  gifts.  The  work  of  their  knitting 
factory  and  workroom  for  ladies  suffering  through  the  war,  are 
among  the  successful  ways  of  alleviating  the  suffering  in  England, 
but  the  American  Women’s  War  Hospital  at  Paignton,  South  De- 
van, is  the  commanding  work  of  this  Association. 

King  George  V Hospital,  with  its  3,000  beds  is  the  largest  in 
London.  It  is  near  St.  Thomas’  on  the  Thames,  and  is  in  close 
proximity  to  Waterloo  Station,  where  the  wounded  arrive  from 
France,  so  that  transport  to  the  wards  is  easy.  Excellent  surgical 
work  is  performed  here  by  many  of  the  leading  surgeons  in  London. 
Many  serious  head  and  chest  wounds  are  found  in  its  wards,  but 
over  1,000  patients  attended  a concert  that  was  being  given  for 
their  benefit  by  Lady  Tree  while  we  were  present,  and  it  was  a 
pleasure  to  watch  the  patients  relax  from  pain,  in  the  enjoyment 
of  the  hour. 

In  King’s  College  Hospital,  next  day  we  saw  many  of  the  mu- 
tilated victims  of  the  Zeppelin  Raid.  Several  had  died  during  the 
previous  night,  and  others  seemed  likely  to  follow.  Major  Brook, 
who  was  in  command,  was  untiring  in  his  courtesies,  and  showed 
many  cases  of  rare  interest. 

In  Queen  Mary’s  Convalescent  Auxiliary  Hospital  at  Roehamp- 
ton,  conducted  in  the  private  houses  of  Messrs.  Pierpont  Morgan 
and  Kenneth  Wilson,  the  work  for  vocational  re-education  of  the 
mutilated,  is  being  conducted  on  a large  scale.  Here,  they  are  fitted 
with  artificial  limbs  and  taught  various  trades  during  their  pro- 
longed convalescence,  thus  preparing  them  to  make  a new  start 
in  life.  Of  the  6,577  cases  admitted,  3,565  have  been  provided  with 
artificial  limbs  made  in  the  factories,  on  the  grounds.  Over  800 
patients  are  admitted  monthly  and  the  good  work,  largely  done  by 
Americans,  still  continues.  Fitted  with  new  limbs,  many  of  the 
men  run  races,  ride  bicycles,  play  croquet  and  football,  as  a diver- 
sion for  their  tedious  hours,  while  others  practice  the  trades  taught 
in  this  admirable  home. 

A noticeable  contrast  may  be  found  between  the  German  Pris- 
oner in  England,  and  the  British  Subjects  from  interned  Camps  in 
Germany  who  have  been  returned  in  exchange — the  British,  in 
many  cases,  present  a piteous  spectacle.  It  is  heartrending  to  see 
how  privation,  and  in  some  cases  brutal  treatment  have  told  on 
their  constitutions.  In  contrast  with  the  British  Prisoners  in  Ger- 
many, is  that  meted  out  to  German  Prisoners  in  England.  The  lat- 
ter. so  long  as  they  are  suffering  in  hospital,  receive  the  same  care 
and  attention  as  the  British.  The  highest  medical  skill  is  at  their 
command;  and  dietary  is  liberal  and  varied.  Medical  science  in 
England  knows  nothing  of  political  boundaries  or  ethnological  dis- 
tinctions. When  convalescent,  the  German  Prisoners  are  allowed 
to  play  games  and  amuse  themselves  in  their  own  way.  The  Tom- 


14 


my  is  convinced  that  the  German  never  “played  the  game,”  and 
never  can,  and  he  makes  excuses  for  the  Huns  unsportsmanlike 
tendencies.  “It  is  not  the  Blighter’s  own  fault,”  he  says,  “He 
knows  no  better.”  His  psychology,  in  this  respect,  is  extremely 
curious.  He  doesn’t  hate  the  Hun  so  much.  He  despises  him,  and 
nothing  on  earth  would  induce  him  to  associate  with  him. 

One  of  our  last  visits  in  London  was  made  to  St.  Dunstan’s 
in  Regent’s  Park,  immortalized  by  Thackeray  in  “Vanity  Fair,” 
and  now  the  property  of  Mr.  Otto  Kahn  of  this  City,  who  has  gen- 
erously handed  it  over  free  of  charge,  for  the  duration  of  the  war, 
and  6 months  afterwards,  to  the  “Blinded  Soldiers’  and  Sailors’ 
Care  Committee,”  of  which  Sir  Arthur  Pearson  is  Chairman.  Nev- 
er indeed,  was  there  a happier  idea,  for  Sir  Arthur,  himself,  is  blind 
and  keenly  alive  to  the  needs  of  those  who  are  under  the  same 
disadvantage.  As  he  so  admirably  stated  it,  “They  have  to  learn 
to  be  Blind,”  and  it  is  remarkable  how  quickly  they  do  so  under 
competent  tuition,  and  how  rapidly  they  take  to  indoor  and  outdoor 
sports  and  pastimes.  The  spacious  grounds  border  on  Regent’s 
Park  Lake,  thus  affording  excellent  facility  for  rowing — an  exercise 
at  once  delightful  and  beneficial  to  the  blind,  and  one  of  the  fine 
outdoor  sports  in  which  they  can  participate  and  feel,  as  Sir  Arthur 
so  aptly  put  it,  “They  are  conducting  other  people,  instead  of  being 
conducted  by  them.”  Swimming,  too,  is  very  popular  and  much 
time  is  taken  up  with  physical  drill. 

In  the  garden  and  recreation  grounds  there  are  swings  and 
see-saws  and  other  appliances  for  getting  exercise.  Indoor  they 
have  dancing  concerts  and  debating  societies  once  a week,  which 
are  very  popular  with  the  men.  Singing  and  instrumental  music 
are  taught,  as  well  as  typewriting  in  the  Braille  type,  in  which 
some  of  the  pupils  have  attained  a proficiency  above  the  average 
of  others  who  are  not  blind. 

Instruction  is  also  given  here  in  carpentry,  mat  and  basket 
making,  massage,  telephone  operating,  poultry-farming  and  market 
gardening,  in  which  capacities  many  of  them  may  earn  from  one  to 
two  pounds  a week,  and  which,  in  addition  to  their  pension  of  25 
shillings,  from  the  Government  gives  them  a comfortable  main- 
tenance. 

Most  of  the  instructors  are  blind  men,  a circumstance  that 
greatly  encourages  the  learners  to  persevere.  It  was  among  these 
heroic  victims  of  the  war  we  passed  a most  interesting  afternoon, 
and  where  I had  the  pleasure  of  handing  a draft  of  one  hundred 
pounds  to  Sir  Arthur,  as  a gift  from  Miss  Codman,  through  our 
Association.  “This  place,”  said  Sir  Arthur,  “Is  the  happiest  House 
in  London,  probably  in  the  whole  world,  and  I’ll  tell  you  why, — 
it’s  so  full  of  sympathy.”  The  Institution  typifies  the  moral  tone 
and  spirit  of  England  today.  It  is  the  spirit  of  hope,  of  life,  of 
victory.  It  is  the  spirit  of  our  ancestors  of  ’76 — the  spirit  of  con- 
fidence, of  success,  of  irresistible  determination  to  rescue 
Freedom  and  Civilization  from  this  terrible  tragedy,  the  spirit  of 
Lincoln  at  Gettysburg,  when  he  prophesied  for  our  Countrymen, 
“That  Government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people, 
shall  not  perish  from  the  earth.” 


15 


You  may  have  observed  from  these  remarks,  that  in  this  War 
I am  no  Neutral.  The  aim  of  the  Allies,  today,  is  to  secure  for 
themselves  that  new  birth  of  Freedom  pictured  by  Lincoln  at  Get- 
tysburg, and  the  attainment  of  that  purpose  affects  our  own  Coun- 
try as  deeply  as  it  does  the  Allies.  It  is  as  much  America’s  fight 
as  theirs,  for  the  predatory  aggression  of  the  Hun  will  not  cease  at 
the  3-mile  limit,  and  in  our  deplorable  state  of  helplessness,  a state 
that  resembles  that  of  China,  we  not  only  invite  war  but  defeat 
and  vassalage. 

I am  a man  of  Peace,  the  Vice-President  of  The  Peace  and 
Arbitration  League  of  America.  As  an  officer  or  observer  I have 
participated  in  eight  wars,  and  heaven  knows  I want  to  see  no  more. 
But  until  the  end  of  this  piratical  conflict,  in  which  the  ideals  of  lib- 
erty and  freedom  and  honor,  for  which  my  ancestors  fought  and 
died,  are  the  stakes,  I am  heart  and  soul  with  the  Allies,  and  I con- 
gratulate you  Ladies  in  your  work  for  the  same  end.  The  tradi- 
tional friendship  between  France  and  America,  begun  by  Lafayette 
and  Washington,  would  have  been  only  a memory  had  not  Ameri- 
ca’s great  War  Relief  Societies  kept  it  alive;  and  it  is  to  them  and 
our  Surgeons,  our  Hospitals  and  Nurses,  our  splendid  Ambulance 
Corps  and  brave  Avions  and  Foreign  Legion  that  we  owe  the  pres- 
ervation of  that  friendship,  and  the  “entente  cordiale’’  that  exists 
between  our  Countries  today.  ,K  , 

I am  more  than  proud  to  learn  on  my  return  from  the  War' 
Zone,  of  the  splendid  work  of  the  British  War  Relief  Association, 
and  that  there  has  been  received  in  cash  donations  during  1916 
more  than  double  the  amount  received  during  1915,  and  that  the 
shipment  of  cases  of  hospital  supplies  has  been  more  than  four 
times  greater  than  in  1915. 

I earnestly  appeal  to  all  the  members  and  friends  of  the  Asso- 
ciation, to  continue  the  work  of  preparing  hospital  supplies  with 
the  utmost  energy,  as  I can  assure  you  of  the  enormous  and  grow- 
ing need  of  all  kinds  of  surgical  and  relief  supplies. 


16 


SOME  OF  THE 


Triumphs  of  Scientific  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War 
in  Foreign  Lands,  with  Suggestions  upon 
the  Necessity  of 

Important  Changes  in  the  Organ- 
ization of  the  Medical  Department 
of  the  United  States  Army 

BY 

LOUIS  L.  SEAMAN,  M.  D.,  A.  B., 

LL.  B.,  F.  R.  G.  S., 

Late  Major-Surgeon,  First  Regt.  U.  S.  Vol.  Engrs. ; Ex-Chief  of 
Staff,  Charity,  Maternity,  Penitentiary,  Epileptic,  and  Paralytic 
Hospitals,  B.  I.;  Surgeon-General  of  the  Spanish  War  Veterans; 
Consulting  Physician  to  the  New  York  Colored  Orphan  Asy- 
lum; Member  of  the  Society  of  Medical  Jurisprudence,  the 
Pathological  Society,  the  New  York  County  Medical  So- 
ciety, New  York  County  Medical  Association,  New 
York  State  Medical  Association,  American  Medical 
Association,  American  Public  Health  Association, 
Association  of  Military  Surgeons,  Life  Member 
Red  Cross  Society  of  Japan,  Delegate  Interna- 
tional Medical  Congress,  London,  1881,  Ber- 
lin, 1891,  Moscow,  1897,  Paris,  1900,  Mad- 
rid, 1903,  Lisbon,  1906;  Fellow  of 
the  Academy  of  Medicine,  etc.,  etc. 


READ  BEFORE  THE  NEW  YORK  ACADEMY  OF 
MEDICINE,  1908, 


Reprint  from  the 
New  York  Medical  Journal 
February  22,  J908 
and  Congressional  Record 
February  29,  1908 

A.  R.  ELLIOTT  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 
1908 


Some  of  the  Triumphs  of  Scien- 
tific Medicine  in  Peace  and 
War  in  Foreign  Lands 


With  Suggestions  upon  the  Necessity  of  Important 
Changes  in  the  Organization  of  the  Medical 
Department  of  the  United  States  Army 

BY 

LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN,  A.  B.,  M.  D., 
LL.  B.,  F.  R.  G.  S.,  New  York 

Late  Major  Surgeon  United  States  Volunteer  Engineers 


SYNOPSIS 

1.  The  glory  of  scientific  medicine  is  in  the  prevention  rather 
than  in  the  cure  of  disease. 

2.  The  importance  of  the  medical  officer  having  absolute  control 
in  his  own  department,  as  illustrated  in  Brazil. 

3.  The  value  of  medical  control  of  sanitation  in  the  Isthmian 
Zone. 

4.  Official  recognition  of  foreign  discoverers  by  their  govern- 
ments. 

5.  Germany’s  battle  with-  contagious  and  infectious  diseases  in 
Africa. 

6.  Native  superstition  in  India  prevents  stamping  out  of  bu- 
bonic plague. 

7.  Advances  of  scientific  medicine  in  times  of  war;  Japanese 
statistics  prove  that  preventable  diseases  are  preventable. 

8.  Equipment  of  Japanese  soldiers  fighting  some  of  the  greatest 
battles  ot  history. 

9.  The  Spanish-American  “Opera-Bouffe”  campaign  in  Porto 
Rico  and  Cuba;  with  Statistics  that  prove  the  collapse  of  the  Medi- 
cal Department  was  a governmental  crime. 

10.  Neglect  of  public  health  a reflection  on  our  civilization. 

it.  Wanted:  A National  Board  of  Health,  with  a Secretary  in 
the  President’s  Cabinet;  and  authority  for  the  Medical  Officer  in 
matters  of  sanitation  and  hygiene. 

12.  The  U.  S.  Public  Health  and  Marine  Hospital  Service:  Its 
importance  and  efficacy. 

13.  The  U.  S.  Army  Medical  Department:  Its  faults,  failures  and 
frailties. 

14.  Surgeon-General  should  marshal  the  facts  and  figures  before 
Congress  urging  the  complete  reorganization  of  his  Department. 

15.  The  value  of  the  Medical  Officer  as  a financial  asset  in  War. 

16.  Bill  for  the  Reorganization  of  the  Medical  Department,  as 
proposed  by  the  Author. 


/<//>/•>  1 

Csl-i  i vsJA 
© s-va_<s-  v 


7 


Reprinted  from  the  New  York  Medical  Journal  for 
February  22,  igoS. 


SOME  OF  THE  TRIUMPHS  OF  SCIENTIFIC 
MEDICINE  IN  PEACE  AND  WAR  IN 
FOREIGN  LANDS. 

With  Suggestions  upon  the  Necessity  of  Important  Changes 
in  the  Organisation  of  the  Medical  Department 
of  the  United  States  Army. 

By  Louis  Livingston  Seaman,  A.  B.,  M.  D.,  LL.  B., 
F.  R.  G.  S., 

New  York, 

Late  Major  Surgeon,  United  States  Volunteer  Engineers. 

If  any  doubting  Thomas  questions  that  the  crown- 
ing glory  of  the  profession  of  medicine  is  the  pre- 
vention of  disease  rather  than  its  cure,  a visit  to  the 
American  tropics  should  convince  him  of  his  error. 
For  centuries  the  continents,  both  north  and  south 
of  the  equator,  have  stood  in  constant  dread  of  dys- 
entery, bubonic  plague,  malaria,  and  yellow  fever. 
Terrible  epidemics  of  the  latter  have  ravaged  the 
coastwise  cities  in  spite  of  rigid  quarantines,  for 
prior  to  1902  the  nature  of  its  transmission  was  not 
understood,  and  effective  quarantine  was  impossible 
where  the  stegomyia  mosquito  thrived.  Only  d few 
years  ago,  in  the  harbor  of  Santos,  thirty-one  ships 
of  almost  every  nationality  rode  at  anchor  for 
months  without  a living  creature  aboard,  many  of 
their  masters  and  crews  having  fallen  victims  to 
“yellow  Jack,”  with  little  possibility  of  replacing 
them. 

“Fifteen  men  on  the  dead  man’s  chest, 

Yo,  ho,  ho,  and  a bottle  of  rum, 

Drink  and  the  devil  had  done  for  the  rest,” 

only  in  this  instance  the  devil  was  yellow  fever, 
which  was  of  such  frequent  occurrence  as  to  scarce- 
ly excite  surprise.  The  South  American  coast  was 


Copyright,  1908,  by  A.  R.  Elliott  Publishing  Co. 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


dreaded  by  the  mariner  more  than  the  Spanish  main 
in  the  days  of  the  pirate  bold  and  the  buccaneer,  so 
much  so  that  the  Lloyds  often  refused  to  underwrite 
vessels  visiting  its  hotbeds  of  infection.  But  how 
is  it  to-day  ? Through  the  brilliant  discoveries  sug- 
gested by  Finley,  of  Havana,  and  proved  by  the 
commission  headed  by  Major  Reed,  the  true  method 
of  its  transmission  was  established  and  its  eradica- 
tion became  a possibility,  although  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  their  experiments  the  majority  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  commission  fell  martyrs  to  the  disease. 
What  Dr.  Wood,  Dr.  Reed,  and  Dr.  Gorgas  accom- 
plished in  its  extinction  in  Havana  and  Santiago, 
and  Dr.  Gorgas  repeated  so  effectually  in  the  Canal 
Zone- — as  you  heard  him  so  graphically  describe  at 
a recent  meeting  of  this  Academy — Dr.  Cruz  dupli- 
cated with  even  greater  success  in  Bahia,  Rio  de 
Janeiro,  and  Santos,  the  most  prolific  culture 
grounds  of  the  disease  in  the  world,  because  their 
sanitary  problems  were  there  more  difficult.  Not 
until  the  last  named  scientist  was  given  absolute  con- 
trol in  his  own  department,  however,  were  his  la- 
bors crowned  with  success.  A terrible  epidemic  of 
the  fever  had  visited  Rio  and  Santos,  the  commerce 
of  Brazil  was  paralyzed,  the  population  of  the  cities 
decimated.  Foreign  capital  was  deserting,  and  the 
outlook  was  most  gloomy.  Millions  of  dollars  were 
required  for  its  extermination,  and,  after  violent  po- 
litical opposition,  Dr.  Cruz  was  ultimately  given  con- 
trol of  his  department,  with  correspondingly  for- 
tunate results,  for  in  a comparatively  short  time  the 
country  was  free  from  disease.  He  established  an 
admirably  equipped  department  of  sanitation,  with 
a corps  of  over  2,300  well  paid,  uniformed  men, 
whose  sole  duty  was  to  fight  yellow  fever  and  bu- 
bonic plague,  and  who  carried  out  their  orders  with 
almost  as  much  celerity  as  the  members  of  the 
fire  department  do  in  this  city.  Horses  stood  har- 
nessed in  their  stables,  ready  to  be  hitched  to  ambu- 
lances and  disinfecting  carts,  loaded  with  the  neces- 
sary equipment  for  isolating  cases  and  purifying  the 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  IVar. 


surroundings,  so  that  the  moment  a new  case  was 
reported  it  was  isolated  by  double  screens,  and  the 
spread  of  the  disease  was  effectually  prevented.  As 
a result,  desirable  immigration  is  no  longer  fright- 
ened away,  foreign  capital  is  flowing  in  to  develop 
the  limitless  resources  of  the  land,  commercial  in- 
terests have  enormously  increased,  and  the  material 
and  financial  gains  parallel  those  of  humanitarian 
character.  Brazil  demonstrated  the  axiom  that  pre- 
vention is  better  than  cure,  and  that,  as  a financial 
proposition,  it  pays  to  give  the  medical  officer  ade- 
quate authority  in  his  own  department. 

The  splendid  work  of  Cruz  in  eradicating  yellow 
fever  has  been  equally  successful  in  his  campaign 
against  bubonic  plague,  which  for  years  had  ravaged 
the  coast  with  serious  mortality.  The  final  extinc- 
tion of  both  these  transmissible  diseases  in'  South 
America  will  soon  be  an  accomplished  fact,  if  the 
present  policy  of  prevention  and  sanitation  is  main- 
tained. In  addition,  Cruz  established  a school  of 
experimental  medicine  in  Rio,  rivaling  similar  insti- 
tutions in  Europe  and  America,  which  will  justly 
give  Brazil  an  enviable  position  in  the  scientific 
world.  A large  corps  of  assistants  are  constantly 
occupied  in  the  preparation  of  the  various  sera  used 
in  the  prophylactic  or  curative  treatment  of  bubonic 
plague,  diphtheria,  typhoid,  and  other  diseases,  and 
distributed  over  the  country  on  the  demand  of  physi- 
cians. The  stables  of  the  animals  used  in  the  prose- 
cution of  this  work  are  marvels  of  cleanliness,  and 
in  the  operating  room  asepsis  is  observed  as  faith- 
fully as  in  a modern  hospital. 

Rio  de  Janeiro  maintains  an  excellent  institution 
for  the  preparation  of  vaccine  virus,  also  a medical 
college,  which  is  to  celebrate  its  centenary  during 
this  coming  summer.  It  is  admirably  equipped  with 
laboratories,  especially  for  the  study  of  hygiene  and 
sanitation.  Its  Academy  of  Medicine  is  a most  se- 
lect body,  and  the  walls  of  the  lecture  rooms  of  the 
college  are  graced  with  life  size  portraits  of  its  lead- 
ing professors.  Aseptic  precautions  are  observed 


3 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


so  carefully  in  some  of  the  hospitals  that  operating 
arenas  are  separated  by  plate  glass  partitions  from 
the  remainder  of  the  room,  so  as  to  completely  iso- 
late them  from  contaminating  atmosphere,  where  the 
students  are  seated. 

The  most  serious  defect  observed  in  all  the  insti- 
tutions of  South  America  was  the  lack  of  trained 
nurses.  Many  of  the  hospitals  in  these  old  coun- 
tries were  formerly  convents,  and  the  labor  of  nurs- 
ing was  performed  by  the  members  of  the  various 
sisterhoods.  These  women,  although  often  inspired 
by  high  motives,  lack  the  skill  necessary  in  the  care 
of  serious  diseases,  or  for  obtaining  the  best  results 
in  the  after  treatment  of  operations.  And  here  I 
may  be  pardoned  for  a moment’s  digression  to  pay 
a word  of  tribute  to  my  old  traveling  companion 
and  friend,  Dr.  Nicholas  Senn,  whose,  sudden  and 
lamented  death  recently  shocked  the  world. 

It  was  my  privilege  to  circumnavigate  the  conti- 
nents of  Africa  and  South  America  with  him,  visit- 
ing the  coastwise  cities  and  hospitals  en  route,  and 
penetrating  through  the  jungle  to  the  interior,  wher- 
ever railway  connections  permitted. 

While  crossing  the  Peruvian  Andes  in  Septem- 
ber, near  Lake  Titicaca,  12,000  feet  high,  and  La 
Paz,  the  highest  city  in  the  world,  he  was  seized 
with  the  attack  of  soroche  or  mountain  sickness  that 
hastened  his  end.  In  passing  from  the  Pacific  Ocean 
through  the  Cordillerian  and  Andean  ranges,  over 
the  great  divide  that  separates  it  from  the  Ama- 
zonian slope,  we  rose  to  an  altitude  of  nearly  three 
miles  in  fifteen  hours.  The  tremendous  tension  put 
upon  the  circulatory  system  in  this  already  rarified 
atmosphere  resulted  in  an  attack  of  acute  cardiac 
dilatation,  with  its  distressing  sequelae,  aggravated 
by  bronchitis  contracted  in  the  Straits  of  Magellan. 

To  dwell  upon  the  achievements  of  this  great  man 
would  only  be  to  repeat  that  with  which  the  scien- 
tific world  is  already  familiar.  Aside  from  his  re- 
markable originality  in  the  field  of  surgery,  Senn 
was  a naturalist  of  deep  learning,  well  versed  in  the 


4 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


flora  and  fauna  of  almost  every  land  in  the  habitable 
globe.  His  fame  was  world  wide.  His  capacity  for 
work  exceeded  that  of  any  man  I have  ever  known. 
He  was  a close  observer,  a conservative  operator,  an 
eloquent  clinical  lecturer,  and  in  the  emergency  of 
war  served  his  country  faithfully  and  well.  In  his 
death  America  has  lost  an  honored  son,  science  a 
distinguished  pioneer,  and  the  world  a gentle  friend, 
whose  fame  will  linger  longest  in  the  short  and  sim- 
ple annals  of  the  poor. 

Y ou  have  so  recently  heard  of  the  brilliant  results 
attained  by  Dr.  Gorgas  in  the  Canal  Zone  that  a re- 
hearsal of  them  is  unnecessary.  But  the  great  les- 
son to  be  drawn  from  his  splendid  work  was  not 
pointed  out  at  the  time  of  his  lecture.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  during  the  first  year  of  our  occu- 
pation of  the  Panama  district  disease  ran  rampant, 
so  much  so  that  at  one  time  the  abandonment  of  the 
entire  enterprise  was  considered.  It  was  then  proved 
that  sanitation  was  the  fundamental  problem  re- 
quiring solution,  even  before  the  engineering  ques- 
tion could  be  solved.  The  original  Isthmian  Com- 
mission included  no  member  of  the  medical  profes- 
sion, but  was  composed  entirely  of  politicians  and 
officers,  ignorant  of  sanitation  and  hygiene,  who  ig- 
nored or  so  limited  the  authority  of  the  chief  sani- 
tary officer  as  to  render  the  enforcement  of  his  regu- 
lations and  measures  impossible.  This  officer,  Dr. 
Gorgas,  was  subordinated  to  the  governor  of  the 
zone,  to  the  chief  disbursing  officer,  to  the  chief  of 
the  Bureau  of  Materials  and  Supplies,  to  a Mr. « 
Grunsky,  to  the  commission,  to  the  Secretary  of 
War — subordinated,  in  fact,  to  the  seventh  degree 
from  the  source  of  authority — just  about  as  the  med- 
ical officer  of  the  United  States  army  is,  under  the 
decrepit  system  under  which  he  is  compelled  to 
serve  to-day. 

The  chairman  of  the  Legislative  Committee  of 
the  American  Medical  Association,  Dr.  Reed,  says : 

“Here  was  Dr.  Gorgas,  recognized  as  the  foremost  au- 
thority in  the  world  in  the  solution  of  the  peculiar  problems 

S 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


pertaining  to  tropical  sanitation,  subordinated  to  a series 
of  other  subordinates,  all  of  whom  were  confessedly  igno- 
rant of  the  very  question  with  which  he  was  most  familiar.” 

“The  working  of  this  wonderful  mechanism,”  continues 
Reed,  “is  interesting.  Thus,  if  Major  La  Garde,  superin- 
tendent of  Ancon  Hospital,  makes  a requisition  for  sup- 
plies, he  must  make  it  in  due  form,  take  it  for  approval  to 
the  chief  sanitary  officer,  then  to  the  governor  of  the  zone, 
then  to  the  chief  disbursing  officer ; whence  it  goes  to  the 
commission  at  Washington;  then  to  the  Mr.  Grunsky  as 
committeeman ; then  back  to  the  commission ; then,  if  al- 
lowed, bids  are  advertised  for ; aivards  are  made ; the  requi- 
sition is  filled  under  the  supervision  of  a purchasing  agent 
notoriously  ignorant  of  the  character  and  quality  of  medi- 
cal and  surgical  supplies ; the  material  is  shipped  to  the 
Isthmus,  consigned  to  the  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Materials 
and  Supplies,  who  notifies  the  disbursing  officer,  who  notifies 
Colonel  Gorgas,  who  in  turn  notifies  Major  La  Garde,  who 
applies  to  the  quartermaster — the  boss  of  a corral — for 
transportation,  and,  so  much  of  the  stuff  as  in  the  judg- 
ment of,  first,  the  governor,  next  the  chief  disbursing  offi- 
cer, next  the  commission,  next,  and  more  particularly, 
Grunsky,  the  committeeman,  ought  to  be  allowed  to  the 
superintendent  of  Ancon  Hospital,  finally  arrives,  or  does 
not  arrive,  at  its  destination,  where  the  necessity  for  its 
use  has  probably  ceased.” 

This  is  no  fanciful  picture ; it  is  exemplified  in 
practically  every  requisition  that  went  forward  and 
illustrates  the  tortuous- course  of  the  regular  mili- 
tary channel,  as  it  now  exists  in  the  United  States 
Army. 

And  what  was  the  natural  consequence  of  this 
wretched  system  at  Panama?  A costly  epidemic — 
the  death  of  some  members  of  the  commission  and 
of  many  laborers — a stampede  of  the  remainder  that 
threatened  the  success  of  the  entire  canal  scheme 
and  caused  a delay  of  nearly  a year  in  its  comple- 
tion, and  the  loss  of  interest  on  its  heavy  invest- 
ment, that  would  have  paid  for  the  sanitation  of  the 
zone  for  years.  Not  until  the  imminence  of  failure 
dawned  upon  the  Washington  authorities  was  a 
medical  officer  made  a commissioner,  with  authority 
to  carry  out  his  sanitary  measures.  The  success  re- 
sulting from  this  power  being  conferred  upon  our 
honored  colleague  again  demonstrated  the  wisdom 
of  making  a medical  man  supreme  in  his  own  de- 

6 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


partment ; a truth  Congress  was  for  once  forced  to 
recognize. 

Foreign  governments  foster  their  medical  discov- 
erers ; ours  does  not.  When  Pasteur  made  his  bril- 
liant discovery  of  the  microbic  origin  of  disease 
and  found  the  magic  key  that  unlocked  the  secrets 
of  infection,  the  French  government  recognized  his 
great  work  by  placing  him  at  the  head  of  an  institu- 
tion under  governmental  patronage  that  enabled  him 
to  more  successfully  prosecute  his  experiments  and 
researches.  When  Koch  discovered  the  bacillus  of 
tuberculosis,  he  was  a comparatively  unknown 
country  practitioner,  but  his  government  placed  him 
at  the  head  of  a department  with  abundant  means 
to  continue  his  work;  it  sent  him  to  Africa  to  in- 
vestigate the  rinderpest,  and  after  the  successful  so- 
lution of  that  problem  sent  him  once  more  to  the 
dark  continent,  where  for  the  past  two  years  he  has 
been  conducting  a heroic  battle  against  those 
dreaded  diseases  of  the  African  tropics,  sleeping 
sickness  and  malaria. 

In  Africa  I met  Dr.  Ollwig,  Koch’s  chief  assist- 
ant, who,  in  his  scientific  battle  with  malaria,  is  car- 
rying out  the  two  policies  suggested  from  an 
etiological  point  of  view  : ( I ) The  destruction  of 

the  anopheles  by  ridding  the  surrounding  jungle  as 
far  as  possible  of  its  breeding  places,  and  (2)  the 
neutralization  of  the  plasmodian  parasites  by  hypo- 
dermatic and  internal  administration  of  quinine, 
continued  for  many  months.  Favorable  results 
have  thus  been  obtained,  although  the  difficulties  of 
exterminating  the  mosquito  have  not  yet  been  over- 
come. The  period  during  which  the  infected  stego- 
myia  continues  as  a source  of  danger  in  the  trans- 
mission of  yellow  fever  is  limited  to  fifty  days, 
’whereas  the  infected  anopheles  retains  its  power  of 
infection  for  three  years,  thus  making  the  task  of 
eradicating  malaria  far  more  difficult. 

The  results  of  Koch’s  investigations  of  tripano- 
somiasis  are  already  well  known  to  the  medical  pro- 
fession. The  infected  tsetse  fly  is  undoubtedly  the 

7 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


most  dangerous  enemy  of  man  and  beast,  where  it 
exists,  as  up  to  the  summer  of  1906  the  bite  of  an 
infected  fly  was  invariably  fatal.  Its  ravages  in  a 
belt  of  territory  near  Victoria  Nyanza  in  the  year 
we  were  there  resulted  in  a fatality  among  the  na- 
tives of  over  200,000,  many  districts  being  almost 
depopulated.  Horses,  mules,  cattle,  antelopes,  ze- 
bras, and  wild  buffaloes  died  in  countless  numbers. 
The  zone  of  these  depredations  was  rapidly  increas- 
ing, and  for  that  reason  the  German  government 
sent  Professor  Koch  to  study  the  habits  of  the  fly 
and  discover,  if  possible,  a method  for  its  extermin- 
ation. 

How  does  the  Japanese  government  look  upon 
the  health  of  its  citizens?  When  Kitasato,  after 
careful  research  and  experimentation,  discovered  the 
bacillus  of  bubonic  plague,  the  government  prompt- 
ly rewarded  him  by  placing  him  in  charge  of  a great 
institution  for  the  study  of  infectious  diseases,  where 
the  sera  are  made  for  the  prophylactic  and  curative 
treatment  of  the  most  deadly  diseases  of  the  coun- 
try, and  where  much  original  investigation  is  being 
conducted. 

In  England  every  little  town  has  an  officer  of 
health,  appointed  by  the  general  government  to 
guard  its  citizens  against  disease. 

Lister,  Pasteur,  and  Koch  opened  the  door  to 
scientific  research ; but  long  before  their  day,  small- 
pox had  been  brought  under  control  by  the  immor- 
tal Jenner.  This  loathsome  disease  would  long  ago 
have  disappeared  from  the  earth  forever,  but  for 
the  ignorant  attacks  of  fanaticism.  As  has  been 
truly  said : “Nothing  has  tended  more  to  retard  the 
advance  of  science  than  the  disposition  in  vulgar 
minds  to  vilify  what  they  cannot  comprehend.” 

Cholera  and  hydrophobia  have  been  conquered  by 
Pasteur,  and  Lister  and  Koch  pointed  the  pathway 
to  victory  over  the  death  dealing  microbes  of  trans- 
missible diseases.  Through  their  instrumentality 
disease  has  become  the  slave  rather  than  the  master 
of  mankind.  No  longer  do  diphtheria,  tetanus,  sep- 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


ticsemia,  typhoid,  cholera,  puerperal  sepsis,  hospital 
gangrene,  erysipelas,  and  wound  infection  hold  the 
world  in  dread. 

Notwithstanding  that  in  1904  the  victims  of  bu- 
bonic plague  in  India  numbered  1,022,000,  and  in 
the  first  six  months  of  1907  reached  the  appalling 
number  of  1,060,000,  a scientific  campaign  of  pro- 
phylactive  sanitation  would  soon  stamp  out  the  last 
vestige  of  its  existence,  were  it  not  for  the  supersti- 
tion of  the  natives  which  renders  such  a course  im- 
possible. 

If  scientific  medicine  has  won  these  gigantic  vic- 
tories over  disease,  and  in  methods  of  its  prevention, 
in  the  last  twenty-five  years,  what  wonders  of  dis- 
covery may  not  be  divulged  in  the  coming  centu- 
ries. Let  us  for  a moment  see  what  results  have  re- 
cently been  accomplished  .by  an  intelligent  applica- 
tion of  scientific  medicine  in  the  field  of  war.  Its 
last  and  most  noteworthy  application  was  in  the 
great  Oriental  conflict  just  concluded. 

General  Tarauchi,  Japanese  minister  of  war, 
stated  on  November  23,  1905,  in  an  address  before 
the  Red  Cross  Society  of  Japan,  that  “the  total 
number  of  soldiers  dispatched  to  the  front  during 
the  war  amounted  to  over  1,200,000,  80,000  of 
whom  died,  and  300,000  fell  sick.  Of  this  vast 
number  only  about  9,300  died  from  wounds,  and 
20,000  from  sickness.”  This  would  leave  the  total 
from  killed  and  battle  casualties  about  60,000 ; and 
from  disease  20,000,  or  about  one  from  sickness 
to  three  from  casualties  of  war. 

In  April,  1906,  a year  after  the  last  great  battle 
had  been  fought,  and  when  the  totals  were  com- 
pleted, Dr.  Lynch  (our  military  attache  in  Japan 
during  the  war)  in  his  report  to  our  war  depart- 
ment published  the  following  official  figures : 

TABLE  I. 


Killed  in  battle  and  died  from  wounds 58,887 

Died  from  disease  27,158 

Total  died  86,045 


9 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


or  more  than  twice  as  many  from  battle  casualties 
than  from  disease. 

The  records  of  extended  campaigns  for  the  past 
two  hundred  years,  as  shown  in  the  Standard 
Tables  of  Longman  and  elsewhere,  are  that  four 
men  have  died  from  disease  to  one  from  bullets. 
These  figures  of  the  Japanese  army,  therefore,  con- 
stitute the  most  remarkable  series  ever  published  in 
the  history  of  wars.  Almost  similar  figures  have 
been  unwarrantably  contradicted  by  officers  of  the 
United  States  army,  but  the  report  of  Major  Lynch, 
our  own  medical  attache,  just  published  with  official 
records  down  to  April,  1906,  cannot  be  challenged. 

In  another  table  our  military  attache  states  that 
in  the  Japanese  war  with  China,  in  1894,  for  every 
man  who  died  from  wounds  12.09  died  from  dis- 
ease. In  the  war  with  Russia,  ten  years  later,  for 
every  man  who  died  from  wounds,  0.46  died  from 
disease,  or  one  twenty-seventh  as  many. 

In  their  titanic  conflict  the  Japanese  kept  over 
600,000  men  in  the  field  for  over  a year  and  a half ; 
they  fought  some  of  the  greatest  battles  of  history, 
one  of  twelve  days  of  incessant  conflict,  and  another 
of  sixteen  days ; skirmish  fighting  went  on  con- 
stantly during  the  entire  period  of  hostility.  In 
their  campaigns  the  soldiers  had  their  camp  kettles, 
water  boilers,  blankets,  and  mosquito  nets,  and 
every  man  was  protected  by  a net  during  the  mos- 
quito season.  Their  casualties  have  been  nearly  40,- 
000  in  a single  battle,  or  twice  the  entire  number  of 
soldiers  we  sent  to  Cuba,  and  yet,  every  man  was 
promptly,  carefully,  and  scientifically  cared  for. 
They  fought  through  a country  where  insanitary 
conditions  prevailed,  often  camping  on  the  germ  in- 
fested sites  of  their  enemies,  and  yet,  by  the  inces- 
sant precautions  of  a numerically  adequate  medical 
corps,  with  power  to  enforce  sanitation  and  hygiene, 
the  army  was  enabled  to  make  a health  showing  un- 
heard of  before  in  the  annals  of  war. 

In  contrast  to  this  picture  let  me  for  a moment 
invite  your  attention  to  the  Puerto  Rican  expedition 


10 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


in  that  opera  bouffe  performance  known  as  the 
Spanish-American  war,  for  nowhere  in  history  is 
there  found  a more  illuminating  instance,  a graver 
lesson,  or  a more  terrible  warning,  than  is  here  por- 
trayed. For  our  country  it  is  the  “Mene,  mene,  tekel 
eupharsin,”  the  handwriting  on  the  wall,  so  easily 
decipherable  that  he  who  runs  may  read,  and  yet, 
in  the  glory  of  victory,  and  the  enjoyment  of  pros- 
perity, its  lesson  has  passed  unheeded. 

The  story  of  the  expedition  is  brief.  About  20,- 
000  American  troops  landed  in  Puerto  Rico,  while 
the  Spanish  on  the  island  numbered  about  17,000. 
Several  skirmishes  occurred,  in  which,  according  to 
the  surgeon  general’s  report,  three  men  were  lost 
from  the  casualties  of  war.  The  object  of  the  war, 
the  breaking  of  the  chains  of  Spanish  despotism  and 
spoliation,  which  for  centuries  had  held  a race  in 
shameful  moral  serfdom,  was  soon  accomplished, 
and  the  war — from  the  strictly  military  standpoint 
— was  over.  From  our  first  arrival,  the  natives  of 
the  island  welcomed  our  battalions  with  vivas  of 
applause,  strewing  our  advancing  march  with  flow- 
ers, and  their  masses  were  prepared  to  joyfully 
second  our  efforts  for  their  more  complete  emanci- 
pation. 

That  is  the  beautiful  story  that  history  presents. 
Lest  we  forget,  as  a nation,  and  lie  supine  in  the 
easy  content  of  this  picture,  let  me  invite  your  at- 
tention for  a moment  to  a further  study  of  the  re- 
port of  the  surgeon  general  for  that  war.  It  states  that 
although  three  men  only  fell  from  the  casualties  of 
battle  during  that  entire  campaign,  262,  or  nearly 
one  hundred  times  as  many,  died  from  preventable 
causes.  It  fails,  however,  to  state  that  the  number 
of  hospital  admissions  nearly  equaled  the  entire 
strength  of  the  invading  army,  and  that  the  camps 
of  the  army  from  one  end  of  the  island  to  the  other, 
were  pestiferous  hotbeds  of  disease  before  they  had 
been  occupied  a month,  so  that,  had  the  bugle 
sounded  for  action,  only  a small  percentage  of  the 
units  would  have  been  in  a condition  to  respond  to 


11 


Seaman:  Medicine,  in  Peace  and  War. 


the  call.  Nor  was  this  state  of  affairs  confined  to 
Puerto  Rico.  In  the  invading  armies  of  the  Philip- 
pines and  Cuba  the  same  conditions  prevailed.  The 
official  figures,  as  shown  on  Table  II,  were  fur- 
nished by  the  surgeon  general  of  the  army  on  the 
ioth  day  of  October,  1905,  and  cover  the  vital  sta- 
tistics of  the  United  States  military  expeditions  for 
for  the  year  1898. 

TABLE  II. 

Deaths  from 

Battle  Casualties  Disease. 


In  the  Philippine  Islands 17  203 

In  Puerto  Rico  3 262 

In  Cuba  273  56 7 

In  the  U.  S.  home  camps,  etc. . . * . . 2,649 

Total  deaths  293  3, 681 


or  about  one  from  casualties  to  fourteen  from  dis- 
ease. 

The  report  further  shows  that,  while  the  average 
mean  strength  of  the  army  enlisted  for  the  Spanish 
war  was  about  170,000,  the  total  number  of  admis- 
sions to  the  hospitals  was  on  September  10,  1898, 
over  158,000,  or  90  per  cent.  This  in  a war  of  less 
than  three  months’  duration,  and  in  which  more  than 
three-fourths  of  its  members  never  left  the  camps 
of  their  native  land.  The  Japanese  army  for  the 
same  period  had  about  4 per  cent,  hospital  admis- 
sions, or  one  twenty-second  as  many. 

The  vast  difference  in  the  Japanese  figures  illus- 
trates the  value  of  a medical  and  sanitary  depart- 
ment, properly  equipped  to  enforce  practical  sanita- 
tion, dietary  and  conservative  surgery. 

The  splendid  achievements  of  scientific  medicine 
in  civil  life  in  the  prevention  of  disease  should  be 
even  more  effectually  obtained  in  the  army,  where 
only  healthy  men  are  accepted,  and  vigorous  out- 
door camp  life  should  keep  its  units,  who  are  sub- 
ject to  strict  military  discipline,  in  perfect  physical 
condition.  Health  alone,  however,  is  no  guarantee 
against  the  insidious  attack  of  the  silent  foe  that 
lingers  in  every  camp  and  bivouac.  It  is  this  foe, 


12 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


as  the  records  of  wars  for  the  past  200  years  have 
proved,  that  is  responsible  for  four  times  as  many 
deaths  as  the  guns  of  the  enemy,  to  say  nothing  of 
the  vast  number  temporarily  invalided  or  dis- 
charged as  unfit  for  duty.  It  is  this  dreadful  un- 
necessary sacrifice  of  life  from  preventable  disease 
that  constitutes  the  hell  of  war.  In  every  great 
campaign  an  army  faces  two  enemies.  First,  the 
armed  force  of  the  opposing  foe  with  its  various 
machines  for  human  destruction,  that  is  met  at  in- 
tervals in  open  battle ; and,  second,  the  hidden  foe, 
always  lurking  in  the  camp,  the  spectre  that  gathers 
its  victims  while  the  soldier  slumbers  in  barrack 
or  bivouac — the  far  greater,  silent  foe,  disease.  Of 
these  enemies  the  history  of  warfare  for  centuries 
has  proved  that  in  extended  campaigns  the  first  or 
open  enemy  kills  20  per  cent,  of  the  total  mortality, 
while  the  second  or  silent  enemy  kills  80  per  cent. 
In  other  words,  out  of  every  hundred  men  who 
fall  in  war,  twenty  die  from  the  casualties  of  battle, 
while  eighty  perish  from  disease,  most  of  which  is 
preventable. 


TABLE  III. 


In  the  Russo-Turkish  War  the 

deaths  were  

In  the  six  months  of  the  Cri- 
mean campaign,  as  is  asserted 
on  eminent  authority,  the 
losses  of  the  allied  forces 

were  

In  our  war  with  Mexico  the 

proportion  was  

In  our  civil  war,  about  the  same 

proportion  

In  the  French  campaign  in 
Madagascar,  in  1894,  of  14,000 
sent  to  the  front,  twenty-nine 
were  killed  in  action,  and  over 
7,000  perished  from  prevent- 
able disease  

In  the  Boer  War  in  South 
Africa  the  English  losses 
were  about  


Battle  Casualties. 
20,000 


2,000 

1 to 
1 to 

29 

1 to 


Disease. 

80,000 


50,000 

3 

3 


7,000 


10 


13 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


In  our  war  with  Spain  fourteen 
lives  were  needlessly  sacri- 
ficed to  ignorance  and  incom- 
petency for  every  one  who 
died  on  the  firing  line  or  from 
the  result  of  wounds,  the  fig- 
ures being  

In  the  Russo-Japanese  War  the 

figures  were  

or  more  than  two  from  battle 
casualties  to  one  from  disease, 
thus  reversing  the  records  of 
all  wars  for  the  past  200  years. 

The  difference  between  the  martyr  and  the  vic- 
tim, between  the  soldier  who  falls  on  the  field  of 
honor  and  the  man  who  meets  a miserable  death 
from  preventable  disease,  for  which  his  government 
is  criminally  responsible,  is  as  wide  as  the  celestial 
diameters.  The  one  meets  death  compensated  in 
the  thought  that  his  life  is  given  in  the  protection 
of  his  country’s  flag  and  honor ; the  other  is  igno- 
miniously  forced  to  his  grave  through  the  neglect 
of  the  government  that  shamefully  fails  to  protect 
the  life  he  offered  in  its  defense. 

That  the  monstrous  sacrifice  of  80  per  cent,  is  al- 
most totally  unnecessary  has  been  abundantly 
proved  in  the  records  of  the  Japanese  war,  where 
1,200,000  men  were  sent  to  the  front,  in  a country 
notoriously  unsanitary,  and  only  27,000  men  died 
from  disease,  to  59,000  who  fell  in  the  legitimate 
line  of  duty  on  the  field  of  honor.  In  the  army  of 
the  United  States  in  1898,  2,649  picked  soldiers  "died 
in  three  months,  without  leaving  the  country,  in  the 
pest  camps  of  this,  their  own  native  land. 

Unless  an  army  maintains  a thoroughly  organ- 
ized sanitary  corps,  prepared  to  fight  germs  and 
diseases  in  advance  of  the  fighting  forces,  test- 
ing the  water  supplies,  and  avoiding  the  dan- 
gers from  contagion  and  infection,  the  medical 
department  might  as  well  be  abolished.  If  the 
Japanese  had  not  realized  this  before  their  last 
war  and  taken  measures  to  prevent  disease,  their 
army  would  never  have  won  their  brilliant  and  un- 


293  3,68i 

58,887  27,168 


14 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


interrupted  series  of  victories.  If  they  had  sus- 
tained the  same  ratio  of  mortality  from  sickness  as 
in  their  war  with  China  ten  years  before,  their  losses 
from  disease  alone  in  the  Russian  war  would  have 
nearly  equaled  the  total  of  their  entire  losses  from 
all  causes.  This  proves  the  value  of  the  medical 
and  sanitary  corps,  and  illustrates  its  importance 
as  a factor  in  the  winning  of  the  final  issue. 

The  days  of  operative  surgery  on  the  field  of  bat- 
tle or  at  the  front  passed  with  the  discovery  of  asep- 
sis and  antisepsis.  The  Russo-Japanese  war  taught 
many  lessons  and  destroyed  many  ideals  in  matters 
military  as  in  matters  surgical,  where  the  hitherto 
accepted  idea  of  the  duties  of  the  military  surgeon 
was  shown  to  be  erroneous,  where  asepsis  and  anti- 
sepsis relegated  the  use  of  the  scalpel  to  compara- 
tive obscurity  and  demonstrated  conclusively  that 
preservation  of  the  army  by  prevention  of  dis- 
ease is  the  surgeon’s  duty,  first,  last,  and  nearly 
all  the  time.  In  surgical  technique,  or  in  the  after 
treatment  of  the  wounded  and  sick,  the  Japanese 
taught  the  foreigner  comparatively  little,  but  in  the 
field  of  sanitary  science  and  dietetics  they  demon- 
strated, what  had  never  been  done  before,  viz.,  that 
preventable  diseases  are  preventable  and  can  be  con- 
trolled ; and  that  the  great  incubus  of  an  army  in 
the  field,  the  presence  of  crowded  hospitals  and  the 
large  and  expensive  force  necessary  to  equip  and 
conduct  them,  can  to  a large  extent  be  eliminated. 

It  is  a sad  reflection  on  our  civilization  that,  while 
we  regard  as  essential  separate  departments  of 
State,  Agriculture  and  War,  in  the  executive  cab- 
inet at  Washington,  and  issue  bulletins  for  public 
distribution  on  swine  cholera,  cabbage  culture,  and 
crop  reports,  principally  used  by  speculators,  we 
deliberately  ignore  the  safeguarding  of  our  people 
from  the  horrors  of  infection  and  contagion.  While 
the  rest  of  the  world  has  been  making  these  splen- 
did advances  in  the  humanities,  America — except  in 
institutions  fostered  by  private  philanthropy — has 
stood  in  stolid  indifference,  doing  little  to  stem  the 


15 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


tide  of  destruction.  We  have  allowed  the  wreckage 
and  waste  to  go  on,  to  cripple  the  energy  with 
which  we  must  challenge  the  future. 

The  relation  of  our  federal  government  to  public 
health  has  assumed  some  national  importance,  and 
if  the  efforts  of  the  various  medical  societies  of  the 
country,  the  American  Association  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  Science,  the  American  Museum  of  Safety 
Devices,  various  insurance,  accident  and  allied  asso- 
ciations, are  successful,  it  may  receive  a little  more 
recognition.  The  paramount  want  is  for  a National 
Board  of  Health  with  a secretary  in  the  cabinet  of 
the  President. 

If  this  cannot  be  secured,  a more  liberal  policy 
toward  the  National  Bureau  of  Health,  connected 
with  the  Marine  Plospital  Service,  is  much  to  be 
desired.  Through  an  extension  of  the  services  of 
this  organization  the  death  rate  of  the  country  may 
be  enormously  decreased,  possibly  to  the  extent  of 
one  third  to  one  half,  and  the  general  health  of  the 
community  benefited  by  the  eradication  or  ameliora- 
tion of  disease  from  preventable  causes.  But,  as 
Dr.  Welsh  recently  stated:  “If  the  millions  spent 
for  the  extermination  of  hog  cholera  during  the 
last  decade  had  been  spent  for  the  preservation  of 
the  public  health,  we  should  be  far  ahead  of  where 
we  are  to-day.” 

In  the  light  of  modern  and  sanitary  science  there 
is  little  excuse  for  the  enormous  losses  by  illness  and 
death  through  typhoid,  diphtheria,  scarlet  fever, 
cholera  infantum,  and  dysentery,  all  of  which  are 
preventable.  The  names  of  these  diseases  do  not 
inspire  the  same  terror  as  bubonic  plague,  yellow 
fever,  cholera,  and  smallpox,  but  their  victims  are 
just  as  dead,  and  their  bereaved  are  just  as  desolate. 
And  these  diseases  might  be  stamped  out  quite  as 
effectually  as  the  others,  with  proper  enforcement 
of  sanitary  precautions. 

It  is  stated  that  the  appointment  of  a Secretary 
of  Health  in  the  President’s  cabinet  and  the  en- 
forcement of  regulations  for  the  public  health 

16 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


would  interfere  with  the  rights  of  States,  but  do 
the  germs  of  cholera  and  yellow  fever  and  tubercu- 
losis and  bubonic  plague  and  measles  respect  State 
lines?  And  do  streams  polluted  with  cholera  and 
typhoid  bacilli  cease  to  flow  at  State  borders?  In- 
terstate commerce  is  not  considered  as  an  interfer- 
ence with  State  rights : then,  why  should  interstate 
disease  be  so  regarded? 

Prior  to  the  enactment  of  the  pure  food  laws, 
which  are  now  producing  such  beneficial  results  in 
the  preservation  of  the  public  health,  the  same  argu- 
ment was  advanced,  but  the  passage  of  the  act,  in- 
stead of  restricting  the  States,  has  induced  them  to 
enact  similar  or  even  more  drastic  laws  in  the  same 
line;  and  no  one  objects — except  the  manufacturer 
or  seller  of  adulterated  products. 

The  estimation  in  which  the  authorities  at  Wash- 
ington hold  the  only  national  institution  we  have 
for  the  preservation  of  the  public  health  was  re- 
cently evidenced  by  the  efforts  of  a late  member  of 
the  cabinet  to  abolish  or  restrict  the  work  of  the 
Marine  Hospital  Service  on  account  of  its  expense. 
Many  kinds  of  fools  are  required  in  the  making  of 
a world,  but  the  American  who  would  seriously 
advise  the  abolition  of  this  last  named  institution 
combines  in  his  single  self  the  whole  “fifty-seven 
varieties.” 

Disease  is  an  enemy  that  causes  more  fatalities 
in  a year  than  the  combined  armies  of  the  world  do 
in  a century.  As  well  might  a general  in  an  en- 
emy’s country  abolish  his  pickets  and  outposts  as 
for  America  with  its  extensive  coastlines,  its  foreign 
commerce,  and  its  enormous  immigration  to  do 
without  its  Marine  Hospital  Service.  I have  seen 
these  zealous  guardians  of  our  public  health  in  al- 
most every  port  with  which  we  have  commercial 
relations,  always  watchful  lest  contagious  or  in- 
fectious diseases  might  elude  them  and  fasten  on 
our  native  land,  and  with  a fairly  liberal  personal 
experience  and  knowledge  of  our  government  in  its 
various  departments  at  home  and  abroad,  I assert 


17 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


that  the  United  States  Public  Health  and  Marine 
Hospital  Service  is  the  one  department  of  which 
Americans  have  most  reason  to  feel  justly  proud. 
Instead  of  restricting  its  powers,  they  should  be  am- 
plified ; instead  of  cutting  down  its  appropriation, 
it  should  be  increased.  In  no  department  of  our 
government  does  the  nation  receive  better  returns 
on  its  investment,  even  through  some  of  the  men- 
tally myopic  politicians  of  the  present  administra- 
tion fail  to  discover  it. 

And  this  argument  applies  with  equal  force  to 
the  medical  department  of  the  army.  We  go  on 
expending  nearly  half  a million  dollars  a day  for 
the  maintenance  of  our  military  schools,  the  educa- 
tion of  men  in  the  art  of  war,  and  th'e  manufacture 
of  machines  for  human  destruction,  and  in  the  plant 
necessary  for  putting  these  machines  into  execution, 
while  in  the  study  of  the  equally  important  subject 
of  prevention  of  disease — the  foe  that  kills  four 
times  as  many  as  the  enemy’s  bullets — is  left  com- 
paratively unheeded.  Every  death  from  prevent- 
able disease  is  an  insult  to  the  intelligence  of  the 
age ; if  it  occurs  in  an  army,  it  becomes  a govern- 
mental crime.  The  state  deprives  the  soldier  of  his 
liberty,  prescribes  his  hours  of  rest,  his  exercise, 
equipment,  dress,  diet,  the  locality  in  which  he  shall 
reside,  and  in  the  hour  of  danger  expects  him,  if 
necessary,  to  lay  down  his  life  in  defense  of  its 
honor.  It  should,  therefore,  give  him  the  best  sani- 
tation and  the  best  medical  supervision  that  the 
science  of  the  age  can  devise,  be  it  German  or 
Japanese — a fact  of  which  congress  will  do  well  to 
take  cognizance  before  it  begins  another  war.  For 
just  as  surely  as  the  engineer  who  disregards  the 
signals,  or  the  train  dispatcher  who  gives  wrong 
orders,  is  legally  responsible  for  the  loss  of  human 
life  in  the  wreck  that  follows,  so  congress,  or  the 
wretched  system  of  the  Medical  Department  of  its 
army,  is  responsible  for  the  thousands  of  soldiers’ 
lives  needlessly,  criminally  sacrificed — not  on  the 
glorious  field  of  battle,  but  in  diseased  camps — 

iS 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


from  preventable  causes.  I believe  that,  if  the  Med- 
ical Department  of  the  Porto  Rican  Expedition  had 
been  properly  systematized  with  sufficient  numbers, 
with  supervisory  control  over  the  ration,  and  with 
power  to  enforce  sanitary  and  hygienic  regulations, 
the  units  of  that  army  would  have  returned  to  their 
homes  at  the  close  of  the  campaign  in  better  phys- 
ical condition  than  when  they  had  entered  it,  im- 
proved by  their  summer  outing. 

The  Medical  Department  of  our  army,  whose  ar- 
chaic system  almost  parallels  that  of  Peking,  while 
falling  far  below  that  of  Patagonia  (and  I am 
familiar  with  both  and  speak  advisedly),  although 
unequal  to  cope  with  the  exigencies  of  the  Spanish 
campaign,  is  to-day,  as  the  surgeon  general  states, 
relatively  50  per  cent,  worse  off  in  numbers  than 
at  the  close  of  the  civil  war  in  1864,  or  at  the  ter- 
mination of  the  Spanish-American  campaign.  The 
theory  upon  which  it  is  founded,  that  the  cure  of 
disease  rather  than  its  prevention  is  its  objective, 
still  remains  in  vogue.  Although  men  of  brilliant 
attainments  and  individual  merit  are  found  on  its 
staff,  the  deplorable  system  under  which  they  are 
compelled  to  serve,  and  their  lack  of  authority  to 
enforce  sanitation  and  hygiene,  render  the  advis- 
ability of  the  continuance  of  the  department  under 
present  conditions  problematical.  If  it  had  been 
totally  abolished  during  the  Spanish-American  war, 
and  the  army  placed  under  the  control  of  the  Health 
Department  of  this  city  with  such  an  officer  as  Col- 
onel Waring,  or  its  present  incumbent,  in  charge, 
there  would  not  have  been  such  a disgraceful  and  in- 
famous record.  And  why?  Simply  because  that 
department  would  have  had  authority  to  enforce 
the  orders  respecting  sanitation,  diet,  and  hygiene, 
and  would  have  assured  the  safety  of  the  troops. 

Under  the  present  system,  the  same  old  medical 
regulations  remain  in  vogue  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses as  prevailed  before  the  microbic  origin  of 
disease  was  discovered  and  the  key  to  sanitation 
found.  So  that,  if  another  war  were  to  be  de- 


19 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


dared  next  summer,  our  government  would  again 
convert  the  units  of  its  army  into  hospital  patients, 
and  its  veterans  into  pensioners. 

The  deplorable  collapse  of  the  Medical  Depart- 
ment in  the  Spanish  war  resulted  in  the  introduc- 
tion into  congress  of  a measure  to  increase  its  effi- 
ciency. The  essential  features  of  this  bill  are  mere- 
ly to  increase  the  commissioned  personnel  of  the 
medical  corps,  thereby  abolishing  the  present  sys- 
tem of  employing  contract  surgeons,  to  afford  an 
adequate  flow  of  promotion  and  to  establish  a so 
called  medical  reserve  corps,  recruited  from  recent 
graduates,  who,  after  examination,  may  be  listed  as 
available  for  service  in  time  of  war.  No  provision, 
however,  is  made  for  the  instruction  or  training  of 
these  reserves. 

As  a measure  of  true  reform  the  bill  is  hopelessly 
deficient  in  most  essential  features.  It  makes  no 
provision  for  that  most  important  of  all  adjuncts, 
an  adequate  sanitary  department.  One  keen,  up  to 
date  sanitarian,  thoroughly  skilled  in  hygienic,  di- 
etetic, and  bacteriological  knowledge  and  armed 
with  the  necessary  authority  to  enforce  sanitary 
measures,  is  worth  a hundred  so  called  surgeons 
to  an  army  in  the  field,  restricted,  as  they  now  are, 
by  red  tape  and  lack  of  authority  in  matters  re- 
lating to  their  special  department.  No  provision  is 
made  for  an  independent  transport  system,  nor  are 
medical  officers  given  advisory  authority  over  the 
Commissary  Department  or  the  soldiers’  ration.  A 
regiment  may  be  suffering  from  diarrhoea  or  in- 
testinal catarrh  (and  I have  seen  90  per  cent,  of 
an  entire  command  in  this  condition  at  one  time), 
compelled  to  live  on  a diet  of  pork  and  canned 
beans  and  fermenting  tomatoes  until  they  became 
hospital  cases.  Up  to  this  time,  the  medical  officer 
has  no  authority  to  even  order  a rice  diet,  which 
would  have  prevented  the  men  from  becoming  in- 
valided. This  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  that 
brought  our  army  of  170,000  men  in  the  Spanish 
war  almost  to  its  knees  in  the  three  months,  and 


20 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


sent  them  home  in  the  shrunken  and  shriveled  con- 
dition well  remembered  by  many  here  to-night. 

Under  the  present  system  the  line  officer  of  the 
army  is  under  no  obligation  to  accept  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  medical  officer  as  to  the  site  or 
sanitation  of  a camp.  Even  in  time  of  peace,  he  has 
no  executive  power  to  enforce  sanitation,  although 
he  may  be  convinced  that  the  health  of  every  man 
is  being  jeopardized. 

I quote  from  a letter  received  last  week  from  a 
prominent  medical  officer  in  the  Philippines ; he 
says : 

“Recently  a post  commander,  without  the  knowledge  of 
his  medical  officers,  gave  permission  to  a native  to  dam  up 
a stream  on  the  reservation.  The  post  had  been  kept  free 
from  mosquitoes  and  malaria  only  by  the  utmost  vigilance. 
The  medical  officers  protested  personally,  officially,  and  by 
special  sanitary  reports,  but  to  no  purpose.  Almost  every 
house  soon  became  infected,  one  of  the  surgeons  lost  his 
wife,  and  there  were  over  forty  cases.  Finally  a new  post 
commander  tore  out  the  dam.  The  post  was  Camp 
Daraga.” 

One  would  suppose  that  every  effort  of  the  med- 
ical officers  to  maintain  the  health  and  vigor  of  the 
fighting  units  would  be  welcomed,  and  all  the  au- 
thority necessary  to  keep  them  so  would  be  gladly 
accorded,  by  the  officers  of  the  line,  so  in  the  reality 
of  battle  the  men  would  be  in  the  best  physical  con- 
dition. But  this  is  not  the  case. 

The  officers  of  ordnance  of  cavalry,  of  infantry, 
the  engineers,  and  of  the  signal  service,  can  compel 
obedience  to  their  orders,  but  the  medical  man, 
whose  department  fights  the'  foe  that  has  killed  80 
per  cent,  in  the  majority  of  the  great  wars  of  his- 
tory, cannot  enforce  an  order,  but  can  only  make 
a recommendation,  which  the  line  officer  can  accept 
or  reject  at  his  discretion. 

The  bill  ignores  the  pressing  need  for  medical  in- 
spectors and  contains  no  provision  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a department  of  pharmacy.  This  should  have 
at  its  head  a commissioned  officer,  with  commission- 


21 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


ed  subordinates,  as  is  found  in  several  of  the  best 
org-anized  armies  abroad.  The  proper  type  of  officer 
for  this  post  would  be  such  a man  as  the  late  Dr. 
Charles  Rice,  of  Bellevue,  chairman  of  the  Commit- 
tee of  Revision  of  the  United  States  Pharmacoepia. 
It  should  be  charged  with  the  purchase  and 
distribution  of  all  medical  supplies,  the  steri- 
lization and  care  of  all  surgical  instruments, 
first  aid  materials,  and  the  care  of  hospital 
records.  This  would  relieve  the  medical  officer  of 
the  complicated  system  of  bookkeeping,  invoicing, 
and  similar  work,  that  now  makes  him  little  more 
than  a property  clerk  and  decreases  his  value  as  a 
physician  in  ratio  to  the  time  he  remains  in  service 
and  wastes  the  valuable  hours  he  should  devote  to 
the  legitimate  duties  of  his  profession.  The  civil 
practitioner  gave  up  the  practice  of  toting  his  pills 
and  powder  when  the  scientific  pharmacist  ap- 
peared, but  congress,  apparently  unaware  of  the 
advent  of  this  adjunct  to  the  medical  art,  still  com- 
pels the  army  surgeon  to  peddle  his  shop  wherever 
he  goes,  and  holds  him  personally  and  financially 
responsible  and  liable  for  every  item  of  equipment 
of  the  hospital  and  drug  department  of  which  he 
has  charge,  be  it  base,  field,  or  post  hospital. 

Wherein  is  the  fault  of  the  present  system  ? 
First  and  foremost,  in  the  faulty  organization  of 
the  Medical  Department.  The  rank  of  surgeon 
general  should  be  commensurate  with  the  import- 
ance of  the  department  of  which  he  is  the  head. 
Under  a proper  system,  this  officer  should  be  re- 
sponsible only  to  a National  Secretary  of  Health, 
who  should  be  a cabinet  officer,  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  or  to  the  President,  and  there  should  be  con- 
ferred upon  him  and  his  subordinates  authority  in 
all  matters  of  sanitation  and  hygiene,  except  in  the 
emergency  of  battle,  when,  of  course,  all  authority 
should  devolve  on  the  officers  of  the  line. 

The  importance  of  the  medical,  as  compared  with 
the  other  staff  departments,  has  never  been  recog- 
nized or  appreciated.  Until  it  is  realized  that  the 


22 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


most  important  function  of  the  medical  officer  is 
in  the  prevention  of  disease  rather  than  its  cure,  the 
old  custom  will  prevail.  To  be  efficient  the  medical 
officer  must  not  only  be  a good  physician,  but  a 
sanitarian,  a bacteriologist,  often  a chemist  as  well 
as  an  administrator.  Upon  him  devolves  the  duty 
of  preventing  disease,  and  his  part  in  maintaining 
the  effectiveness  of  the  units  makes  him  an  import- 
ant factor  in  the  military  establishment.  His  status 
is  essentially  military,  not  in  the  sense  of  holding 
command,  but  as  an  integral  part  of  an  organiza- 
tion, complex  in  its  composition,  and  whose  differ- 
ent members  should  be  so  organized  as  to  produce 
a harmonious  and  effective  whole.  Under  the  exist- 
ing system,  he  is  looked  upon  simply  as  a doctor, 
whose  sole  function  is  treating  the  sick  and  wound- 
ed— whose  duties  should  be  confined  to  the  hospital, 
and  whose  recommendations  should  be  submitted 
only  when  asked  for. 

In  all  the  wars  in  which  the  United  States  have 
engaged,  disease  has  been  responsible  for  more  than 
70  per  cent,  of  the  mortality,  more  than  one  half  of 
which  could  have  easily  been  prevented,  had  the 
Medical  Department  been . properly  organized  and 
equipped.  Preventable  disease  more  than  wounds 
swells  the  pension  lists.  Statistics  of  the  Pension 
Office  prove  that  if  this  unnecessary  loss  had  been 
avoided  the  saving  in  pensions  alone  would  have 
paid  the  cost  of  the  resulting  war  every  twenty-five 
years.  Aside  from  the  sorrow  of  the  homes  made 
desolate,  consider  the  economic  value  of  the  70  per 
cent,  of  lives  now  uselessly  sacrificed  that  might  be 
saved  as  breadwinners  in  industrial  pursuits. 

The  entire  appropriation  of  the  Medical  Depart- 
ment for  the  fiscal  year  of  1898  was  less  than  $1,- 
000,000;  this  was  increased  at  the  outbreak  of  hos- 
tilities with  Spain  by  something  over  $2,000,000. 
Then  came  the  war.  As  a result  of  that  almost 
bloodless  conflict,  the  actual  hostilities  of  which 
lasted  only  less  than  six  weeks,  we  paid  last  year 
alone  $3,471,157  in  pensions,  with  the  further  as- 


23 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


surance  of  an  annual  increase  for  many  years  to 
come.  The  rolls  of  the  Pension  Office  to-day  bear 
the  names  of  24,000  pensioners,  over  19,000  of 
whom  are  invalids  and  survivors  of  this  war,  and 
over  18,000  additional  claims  are  now  pending;  al- 
though the  total  of  the  Cuban  army  of  invasion  was 
only  20,000  men.  Last  year  we  paid  in  pensions  a 
total  of  $146,000,000;  this  year  the  appropriation 
estimated  for  has  increased  to  $151,000,000.  Are 
the  fatalities  of  the  past  to  be  dismissed  from  the 
equation  of  the  future?  Instead  of  repeating  our 
own  blunders,  why  not  emulate  the  successes  of 
others?  Possibly  the  recent  action  of  the  Executive 
in  placing  a medical  officer  in  command  of  a hospi- 
tal, although  that  hospital  chanced  to  be  afloat,  may 
indicate  a ray  of  hope. 

It  is  far  from  certain,  however,  that  congress 
alone  is  responsible  for  the  deplorable  system  of 
our  Medical  Department.  Why  does  not  the  sur- 
geon general  demand  from  congress  all  that  is  re- 
quired to  make  the  department  really  effective,  even 
though  the  needed  appropriation  may  be  increased 
tenfold?  Why  does  he  not  marshal  his  facts  and 
figures  and  present  them  in  illustration  of  the  sui- 
cidal policy  of  allowing  this  great  waste  from  pre- 
ventable disease,  thereby  demonstrating  the  value  of 
the  medical  man  as  a financial  asset  ? Why  does  he 
not  show  that  his  department  could  pay  for  itself 
many  times  over  in  the  annual  saving  of  pensions, 
now  resulting  from  its  neglect- — that  statistics  prove 
this  loss  amounts  every  twenty-five  years  to  more 
than  the  cost  of  the  war  that  caused  it?  Why  does 
he  not  show  the  enormous  increase  in  the  efficiency 
of  the  army  that  would  result  from  having  fighting 
men  instead  of  invalids  in  its  ranks?  Also  the  enor- 
mous economic  value  of  the  lives  of  the  70  per  cent, 
now  wasted  that  might  be  saved  to  their  families  as 
breadwinners  instead  of  invalids  and  pensioners? 
Then  let  congress  refuse  his  demand,  if  it  dares  as- 
sume that  responsibility.  The  liberality  and  gener- 
osity of  our  nation  to  its  pensioners  proves  we  are 


24 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


not  always  actuated  by  base  or  sordid  motives ; and 
if  congress  or  the  American  people  could  be  con- 
vinced of  the  necessity  for  these  reforms,  there 
would  be  little  difficulty  in  obtaining  their  enact- 
ment. 

Permit  a moment's  digression  to  narrate  the  per- 
sonal experiences  of  a soldier,  a member  of  the  As- 
sociation of  Military  Surgeons  of  the  United  States, 
which  occurred  within  sight  of  the  dome  of  the 
Capitol  at  Washington.  He  writes: 

“My  Dear  Seaman: — On  May  I,  1898,  my  regiment  was 
sent  from  our  home  station  to  Hempstead,  L.  I.,  for  re- 
organization from  a National  Guard  Regiment  to  a Regi- 
ment of  Volunteers  for  service  in  the  war  with  Spain.  Our 
hospital  corps  of  trained  men  was  taken  from  us,  as  well 
as  our  medical  supplies  and  instruments,  and  the  regimental 
staff  of  three  surgeons  was  reduced  to  one,  with  the  rank 
and  pay  of  a first  lieutenant — rather  short-handed  for  a 
full  regiment  of  1,333  men.  Early  in  July  I was  detailed 
as  Sanitary  Inspector  of  the  army  corps  to'  which  we  were 
attached,  as  typhoid  fever  was  breaking  out  rapidly  in  every 
organization  attached  to  the  corps. 

“My  instructions  were  to  inspect  all  camp  sites,  sinks, 
water  supply,  drainage,  food,  method  of  cooking,  etc.,  and 
report  in  writing  to  the  chief  medical  officer  of  the  corps 
daily.  I assumed  the  duties  with  great  zeal,  for  sanitary 
problems  had  long  been  a favorite  study,  as  I had  been 
chief  medical  officer  of  my  home  city  with  its  population 
of  nearly  400,000  for  six  years. 

“There  was  at  that  time  a young  man  in  my  regiment, 
who  formerly  belonged  to  my  hospital  corps,  a graduate  of 
Cornell  University,  who  had  taken  a postgraduate  course 
in  analytical  chemistry  and  was  well  qualified  for  chemical 
and  bacteriological  work;  also  a private  in  a hospital  corps 
detachment,  encamped  near  us,  who  a few  days  before  his 
enlistment  had  returned  from  Germany,  where  he  had  been 
a student  and  assistant  in  Koch’s  laboratory  for  four 
years.  A valuable  microscope  was  found  in  the  first  divi- 
sion of  the  hospital,  which,  as  it  was  not  used  there,  we 
were  assured  we  could  have. 

“A  list  of  the  required  material  was  prepared,  with  a 
probable  cost  of  less  than  fifty  dollars,  and  everything 
looked  favorable  for  a successful  inauguration  of  my  plan. 
I accordingly  drew  up  a communication  to  the  chief  medi- 
cal officer  of  the  corps,  outlining  the  proposed  work,  show- 
ing how  we  could  analyze  suspected  foods,  and  water, 
make  the  Widal  test,  blood  counts,  etc.,  and  do  such  other 
work  as  would  naturally  present  itself.  I also  informed 

2- 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


him  that  all  details  had  been  arranged,  and  the  only  thing 
required  to  inaugurate  the  work  at  once  was  the  proper 
orders  from  corps  headquarters.  It  is  impossible  to  ex- 
press my  surprise  and  disappointment  when  my  plan  was 
returned  ‘disapproved,’  giving  as  the  reason  that  the  men 
whom  I had  selected  to  do  the  scientific  work  were  not 
commissioned  officers,  but  only  enlisted  men  and  that  ‘it 
would  violate  all  the  traditions  of  the  army  to  do  this  work 
in  this  manner,’  and  that  ‘it  was  useless  to  establish  a bac- 
teriological laboratory  in  the  field,  as  it  could  be  of  no 
practical  benefit.’  In  vain  I pleaded  the  urgent  need  of 
the  hour,  that  the  work  could  be  done  in  my  name,  or 
even  in  the  name  of  the  chief  medical  officer,  but  all  to  no 
purpose.  The  plan  for  the  scientific  work  was  thoroughly 
‘sat  down  on.’ 

“I  then  respectfully  asked  what  plan  could  be  substi- 
tuted, and  was  informed  that  application  would  be  made 
for  a detail  of  contract  surgeons,  especially  qualified,  who 
would  aid  in  the  work  as  outlined.  My  zeal,  acquired  as 
an  old  National  Guard  officer,  subsided,  and  I plodded  on 
in  my  work,  looking  on  and  seeing  preventable  disease 
sweeping  away  our  soldier  boys,  and  nothing,  absolutely 
nothing  being  done  to  find  the  source  of  the  infection  or 
prevent  its  spread. 

“The  summer  passed,  the  war  was  over,  taps  had  been 
sounded,  over  the  graves  of  hundreds  of  brave  boys  who 
had  never  heard  the  hum  of  a hostile  bullet,  and  early  in 
September  we  were  ordered  to  our  home  station  to  be 
mustered  out. 

“It  was  a beautiful  Sunday  morning,  and  the  site  where 
more  than  20,000  men  had  been  encamped  was  practically 
deserted.  I could  hear  the  sound  of  the  drums  and  bugles 
corning  faintly  through  the  woods,  as  the  regiment  marched 
to  the  railroad.  I lingered  at  the  site  of  the  first  division 
hospital  with  an  ambulance,  to  bring.  the  last  of  our  sick 
away,  when  my  orderly  informed  me  that  an  officer  wished 
to  see  me,  and  pointed  to  a man  steated  on  a stump  near 
by.  I approached  him,  and  was  informed  that  he  was  a 
contract  surgeon,  sent  by  the  department  to  report  for  bac- 
teriological work.  I told  him  that  I was  glad  to  see  him, 
but  that  the  war  was  over,  that  such  of  the  soldiers  who 
had  not  died  of  disease  were  now  on  their  way  home  to  be 
mustered  out,  and  that  I hoped  he  would  stick  to  his  post, 
so  he  would  be  ready  for  service  when  the  next  war  broke 
out.” 

And  there  is  nothing  in  the  Medical  Bill  now 
before  congress  to  keep  that  man  on  the  stump,  so 
he  may  be  ready  when  the  next  war  does  come,  or 
for  his  substitute  in  case  he,  too,  may  have  joined 
the  great  majority  before  that  time. 

26 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


Is  the  great  medical  profession — a profession  that 
in  one  of  the  bloodiest  wars  of  history  has  con- 
tributed so  largely  in  reducing  the  mortality  of 
deaths  from  disease — to  remain  subservient  to  the 
dictates  of  the  variety  of  judgment  just  cited,  or 
is  its  department  in  our  army  to  be  reorganized 
upon  rational  lines,  and  its  personnel  empowered 
to  enforce  its  mandates,  so  that  the  medical  and 
moral  rights  of  the  soldier  may  be  safeguarded  and 
the  country  receive  the  benefit  of  his  protection? 

Boast  as  we  may  of  our  national  patriotism  and 
philanthropy,  our  altruism  in  freeing  Cuba  from  the 
tyranny  of  Spain,  and  in  elevating  the  status  of  that 
bunch  of  trouble,  the  Philippines ; our  foreign  mis- 
sions, and  our  great  systems  of  charity  at  home ; 
the  cold,  clammy  fact  remains  that  the  sons  of 
Nippon  in  their  war  with  Russia  treated  their  pris- 
oners with  far  more  humanity  than  our  nation  does 
its  own  soldiers. 

In  the  great  Oriental  conflict  just  concluded,  not 
once  did  the  Muscovite  win  a victory,  but  from  the 
Yalu  to  Mukden  was  driven  from  the  field  and 
often  left  to  his  victors  the  care  of  his  sick,  his 
wounded,  and  his  dead.  Sixty-seven  thousand  sick 
Russian  prisoners  were  brought  to  Japan  from 
Manchuria  and  nursed  back  to  health.  And  to  the 
eternal  credit  and  glory  of  Japan  let  it  be  remem- 
bered that  from  the  first  aid  dressing  on  the  firing 
line,  to  the  transport,  the  subsistence,  the  medical 
care,  and  the  gentle  nursing  in  her  home  hospitals, 
no  difference  was  made  between  the  treatment  of 
her  own  soldiers  and  those  of  the  enemy.  There- 
fore, without  minimizing  the  splendor  of  her  victo- 
ries on  land  or  sea,  at  the  Yalu,  Port  Arthur,  Muk- 
den, Shaho,  Laioyang,  or  with  Togo  at  Tshushima, 
the  fact  remains  that  Japan’s  most  splendid  evolu- 
tion and  her  greatest  triumphs  have  been  in  the 
humanities  of  war.  By  careful  preparation  and  or- 
ganization, the  use  of  simple,  easily  digested  rations 
for  her  troops,  and  the  application  of  practical  sani- 
tation by  a fully  equipped  and  empowered  medical 


2 7 


Seaman:  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War. 


department,  she  almost  obliterated  infectious  and 
preventable  diseases  from  her  army,  and  saved  its 
units  for  the  legitimate  purposes  of  war,  to  wit,  the 
smashing  of  the  enemy  in  the  field.  She  reduced 
the  mortality  in  her  own  army  by  over  80  per  cent, 
and  treated  her  prisoners  with  a charity  and  consid- 
eration heretofore  unheard  of  in  the  history  of  war, 
and  established  a standard  in  the  humanities  which 
the  rest  of  the  civilized  world  will  do  well  to  attain. 

Let  us  hope  that  the  day  is  not  distant  when  the 
true  value  of  the  medical  man  in  war  will  be  ap- 
preciated in  our  own  land  and  will  be  given  the  au- 
thority in  his  own  sphere  that  will  make  it  possible 
for  our  army  in  the  day  of  emergency  to  equal, 
if  not  surpass,  this  splendid  record.  Braver  men 
never  served  with  the  colors  than  the  American  sol- 
diers, as  we  proved  on  both  sides  of  the  civil  war, 
where  many  battles  (in  one  of  which,  at  Cold  Har- 
bor, ten  thousand  men  fell  in  ten  minutes)  exceed- 
ing anything  known  in  the  Orient,  and  where  it  was 
conclusively  proved  that  our  soldier  deserves  every 
care  andprotection  a generous  government  can  bestow. 

The  following  resolution  was  submitted  by  the 
author  at  the  meeting  of  The  International  Con- 
gress of  Military  Surgeons  in  St.  Louis,  1904, 
and  after  favorable  report  by  the  executive  com- 
mittee was  unanimously  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  the  Association  of  Military  Surgeons  of 
the  United  States  now  assembled,  respectfully  petitions 
Congress  at  its  next  session  to  reorganize  the  Medical  De- 
partments of  the  United  States  Army  and  Navy  on  a broad 
basis  similar  to  that  of  the  countries  most  advanced  in 
military  sanitation,  giving  to  their  officers  equivalent  rank, 
dignity,  and  power,  and  to  their  personnel  ample  numbers 
for  the  proper  care  of  the  ill  and  injured  in  military  and 
naval  service. 

The  accompanying  bill  has  been  submitted  to 
Congress  by  the  author,  with  the  hope  that  its  en- 
actment will  accomplish  the  purposes  of  the  above 
resolution. 

247  Fifth  Avenue.  New  York,  March  10,  1908. 

28 


Seaman:  Reorganization  of  the  Army  Medical  Department. 


Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled. 

That,  from  and  after  the  approval  of  this  Act,  the  Medi- 
cal Department  of  the  United  States  Army  shall  consist  of 
a Medical  Corps  and  a Medical  Reserve  Corps  as  herein- 
after provided ; and  the  Hospital  Corps,  as  now  provided 
by  law,  shail  constitute  the  enlisted  force  of  the  Medical 
Corps;  the  Nurse  Corps,  and  Dental  Surgeons,  as  now 
established  by  law. 

Sec.  2. — That  the  Medical  Corps,  through  its  officers, 
shall  have  supervision  and  control  of  the  hygiene  and  sani- 
tation of  posts,  camps,  commands,  and  troops  under  such 
regulations  as  the  President  may  establish,  with  authority 
to  issue  and  enforce  such  orders,  as  will  prevent  or  dimin- 
ish disease,  except  that,  when  such  orders  interfere  with 
necessary  war  operations,  the  Military  Commander  may 
suspend  them. 

Sec.  3. — That,  when  the  Army  is  engaged  in  active  mili- 
tary operations  (that  is  when  a state  of  war  exists)  the 
transportation  necessary  to  transport  medical  and  hospital 
stores  and  supplies  of  all  kinds,  and  the  sick  and  wounded 
of  the  Army,  whether  by  land  or  water,  shall  be  under 
the  exclusive  control  of  the  Medical  Corps. 

Sec.  4. — That  the  officers  of  the  Medical  Corps  shall  con- 
sist of  one  Major  General,  who  shall  be  Chief  of  the  Corps; 
five  Brigadier  Generals,  twenty  Colonels,  twenty-four  Lieu- 
tenant Colonels,  120  majors,  and  316  Captains  and  First 
Lieutenants,  who  shall  have  rank,  pay,  and  allowances  of 
officers  of  corresponding  grades  in  the  Cavalry  Arm  of 
the  service. 

Immediately  following  the  approval  of  this  Act  all  offi- 
cers of  the  Medical  Department  then  in  active  service  shall 
be  recommissioned  in  the  grades  in  the  Medical  Corps  es- 
tablished by  this  Act,  in  the  order  of  their  seniority,  and 
without  loss  of  relative  rank  in  the  Army. 

Sec.  5. — That  so  many  of  the  senior  officers  of  the  Corps, 
as  may  be  necessary,  the  Chief  of  the  Corps  excepted, 
shall  be  assigned  to  duty  as  Sanitary  Inspectors  and  Medi- 
cal Directors,  upon  the  staff  of  Commanders  of  Depart- 
ments, Divisions,  Corps,  and  Armies,  as  may  be  organized ; 
that  their  duties  shall  relate  to  the  administration  and  in- 
spection of  the  Medical  Corps  and  the  protection  of  the 
troops  against  disease  in  their  respective  Departments,  Di- 
visions, Corps,  or  Armies. 

Sec.  6. — That  there  shall  be  established  a Department  of 
Pharmacy  with  a commissioned  officer  at  the  head,  who 
shall  rank  as  Colonel,  and  with  such  number  of  commis- 
sioned subordinates  with  rank  of  Majors,  Captains,  and 


29 


Seaman:  Reorganization  of  the  Army  Medical  Department. . 

Lieutenants,  as  may  be  determined  by  the  Chief  of  the 
Medical  Corps  and  the  Secretary  of  War;  all  of  whom 
must  be  graduates  of  some  recognized  College  of  Phar- 
macy. 

This  Department  shall  be  charged  with  the  purchase 
and  distribution  of  all  medical  and  hospital  supplies ; the 
care,  preservation,  and  preparation  of  medicine,  dressings, 
books,  and  appliances,  and  the  sterilization  and  care  of  all 
instruments.  It  shall  also  be  charged  with  the  clerical 
work,  the  maintenance  of  records,  and  correspondence  re- 
lating to  hospitals  and  their  inmates,  the  rendering  of  re- 
turns, reports,  and  records  pertaining  to  the  sick  and 
wounded. 

Sec.  7. — That  promotions  in  the  Medical  Corps  to  fill 
vacancies  in  the  several  grades  created  or  caused  by  this 
Act,  or  hereafter  occurring,  shall,  except  in  the  cas'e  of  the 
Chief  of  the  Corps,  be  made  according  to  seniority,  sub- 
ject to  such  examinations  as  are  now  established  by  law 
for  officers  of  the  line  and  other  staff  corps. 

Sec.  8. — That  no  person  shall  receive  an  appointment  as 
first  lieutenant  in  the  medical  corps  unless  he  shall  have 
been  examined  and  approved  by  an  Army  medical  b£ard 
consisting  of  not  less  than  three  surgeons  or  assistant  sur- 
geons designated  by  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Sec.  9. — That  nothing  in  this  act  shall  be  construed  to 
legislate  out  of  the  service  any  officer  now  in  the  Medical 
Department  of  the  Army,  nor  to  affect  the  relative  rank 
for  promotion  of  any  medical  officer  now  in  the  service, 
or  who  may  hereafter  be  appointed  therein,  as  determined 
by  the  date  of  his  appointment  or  commission. 

Sec.  10. — That  for  the  purpose  of  securing  a reserve 
corps  of  medical  officers  available  for  military  service  the 
President  of  the  United  States  is  authorized  to  issue  com- 
missions as  first  lieutenants  therein  to  such  graduates  of 
reputable  schools  of  medicine,  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
as  shall  from  time  to  time,  upon  examination  to  be  pre- 
scribed by  the  Secretary  of  War,  be  found  physically, 
mentally,  and  morally  qualified  to  hold  such  commissions, 
the  persons  so  commissioned  to  constitute  and  be  known 
as  the  medical  reserve  corps.  The  commissions  so  given 
shall  confer  upon  the  holders  all  the  authority,  rights,  and 
privileges  of  commissioned  officers  of  the  like  grade  in  the 
medical  corps  of  the  United  States  Army,  except  promo- 
tion, but  only  when  called  into  active  duty  as  hereinafter 
provided  and  during  the  period  of  such  active  duty.  Offi- 
cers of  the  medical  reserve  corps  shall  have  rank  in  said 
corps  according  to  date  of  their  commissions  therein  and 
when  employed  on  active  duty  as  hereinafter  provided 
shall  rank  next  below  all  other  officers  of  like  grade  in  the 


30 


Seaman:  Reorganisation  of  the  Army  Medical  Department. 

United  States  Army:  Provided,  That  contract  surgeons 
now  in  the  military  service,  who  receive  the  favorable 
recommendation  of  the  Surgeon  General  of  the  Army,  shall 
be  eligible  for  appointment  in  said  reserve  corps  without 
further  examination. 

Sec.  ii. — That  in  emergencies  the  Secretary  of  War  may 
order  officers  of  the  medical  reserve  corps  to  active  duty 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States  in  such  numbers  as  the 
public  interests  may  require  and  may  continue  such  officers 
on  such  duty  so  long  as  their  services  are  necessary:  Pro- 

vided, That  nothing  in  this  act  shall  be  construed  as  au- 
thorizing an  officer  of  the  medical  reserve  corps  to  be  or- 
dered upon  active  duty  as  herein  provided  who  is  unwill- 
ing to  accept  such  service,  nor  to  prohibit  an  officer  of  the 
medical  reserve  corps  not  designated  for  active  duty  from 
serving  with  the  militia,  or  with  the  volunteer  troops  of 
the  United  States,  or  in  the  service  of-  the  United  States 
in  any  other  capacity ; but  when  so  serving  with  the  militia 
or  with  volunteer  troops  or  when  employed  in  the  service 
of  the  United  States  in  any  other  capacity,  an  officer  of  the 
medical  reserve  corps  shall  not  be  subject  to  call  for  duty 
under  the  terms  of  this  section : And  provided  further, 

That  the  President  is  authorized  to  honorably  discharge 
v from  the  medical  reserve  corps  any  officer  whose  services 
are  no  longer  required : And  provided  further,  That  offi- 
cers of  the  medical  reserve  corps  who  apply  for  appoint- 
ment in  the  medical  corps  of  the  Army  may,  upon  the 
recommendation  of  the  Surgeon  General,  be  placed  on 
active  duty  by  the  Secrtary  of  War  and  Ordered  to  the 
Army  Medical  School  for  instruction  and  further  examina- 
tion to  determine  their  fitness  for  commission,  in  the  medi- 
cal corps. 

Sec.  12.— That  officers  of  the  medical  reserve  corps  when 
called  upon  active  duty  in  the  service  of  the  United  States 
as  provided  in  section  8 of  this  act,  shall  be  subject  to  the 
laws,  regulations,  and  orders  for  the  government  of  the 
regular  Army,  and  during  the  period  of  such  service  shall 
be  entitled  to  the  pay  and  allowances  of  first  lieutenants 
of  the  medical  corps  with  increase  for  length  of  service 
now  allowed  by  law,  said  increase  to  be  computed  only  for 
time  of  active  duty : Provided.  That  no  officer  of  the  medi- 
cal reserve  corps  shall  be  entitled  to  retirement  or  retire- 
ment pay ; or  shall  he  be  entitled  to  pension  except  for 
physical  disability  incurred  while  in  active  duty  and  in  line 
of  duty. 

Sec..  13. — All  acts  and  parts  of  acts  in  conflict  with  the 
provisions  of  this  act  are  hereby  repealed. 


31 


i 


The  Owen-Dyer  Bills  for  Increased 
Rank  of  Medical  Officers 


LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN,  M.D.,  LL.B., 
F.R.G.S. 

Late  Surgeon-Major,  U.  S.  Volunteer  Engineers 
NEW  YORK 


Reprinted  from  The  Journal  of  the  American  Medical  Association 
April  27,  1918,  Vol.  70,  pp.  1252-1254 


Copyright,  191S 

American  Medical  Association 
Five  Hundred  and  Thirty-Five  North  Dearborn  Street 
CHICAGO 


. 


. 

- 


fd)  / 


THE  OWEN-DYER  BILLS  FOR  INCREASED  RANK 
OF  MEDICAL  OFFICERS 


To  the  Editor: — The  bills  now  pending  before  Congress  for 
increased  rank  and  authority  for  the  medical  officers  of  our 
Army  are  of  as  grave  importance  as  any  measures  that  have 
been  presented  since  the  American  nation  entered  the  present 
war,  for  on  their  adoption  or  rejection  may  depend  the  final 
issues  of  the  conflict,  especially  if  the  war  is  greatly  pro- 
longed. When  it  is  remembered  that  the  Medical  Department 
of  the  Army  has  to  combat  a foe  that  in  all  the  great  wars  of 
history,  excepting  the  Russo-Japanese,  has  caused  80  per  cent, 
of  the  entire  mortality — never  less  than  four  times,  and  often 
twenty  times,  as  man}-  as  the  artillery,  infantry,  shells  and  all 
other  methods  of  physical  destruction  combined — then  the 
responsibility  and  importance  of  the  medical  officer  in  war 
will  be  appreciated. 

The^department  that  he  represents  has  never  had  the  neces- 
sary authority  to  enable  it  to  reduce  this  frightful  80  per  cent, 
mortality  to  a minimum,  and  without  in  any  way  interfering 
with  the  strategy  or  military  operations  of  the  war. 

The  Medical  Department  of  our  Army  is  founded  on  the 
traditions  of  the  British  medical  department  of  1776,  when 
preventive  medicine  was  an  unknown  science  and  when  the 
duty  of  the  medical  officer  was  to  cure  disease,  instead  of 
preventing  it — of  locking  the  stable  after  the  theft  has  been 
committed. 

Our  medical  officers  have  never  had  the  necessary  rank  and 
authority  to  prevent  the  development  of  epidemics  and  other 
diseases  that  have  caused  the  frightful  mortality  incident  to 
war.  Witness  the  records  of  the  Spanish-American  War  in 
Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  and  in  the  Philippines,  which  practically 
typify  the  conditions  that  existed  in  the  Boer  War  in  South 
Africa,  in  our  own  Civil  War  of  1861-1864,  in  the  Russo- 
Turkish  War,  and  in  the  British  campaign  in  the  Crimea. 

The  Porto  Rican  expedition  in  the  opera  bouffe  perform- 
ance known  as  the  Spanish  War  may  be  taken  as  an  example, 
for  nowhere  in  history  is  there  found  a more  illuminating 
instance,  a graver  lesson,  or  a more  terrible  warning  than  is 
there  portrayed.  For  our  country,  it  is  the  Mene,  Mene, 
Tekel  Upharsin,  the  handwriting  on  the  wall,  so  easily 
decipherable  that  he  who  runs  may  read ; and  yet,  in  the  glory 
of  victory  and  the  enjoyment  of  prosperity,  its  lesson  has 
passed  unheeded. 

The  story  of  the  expedition  is  brief.  About  200,000  Ameri- 
can troops  landed  in  Porto  Rico,  while  the  Spanish  on  the 
island  numbered  about  17,000.  Several  skirmishes  occurred, 
in  which,  according  to  the  Surgeon-General’s  report,  three 
men  were  lost  from  the  casualties  of  war.  The  object  of  the 
war,  the  breaking  of  the  chains  of  Spanish  despotism  and 
spoliation,  which  for  centuries  had  held  a race  in  shameful 


2 


moral  serfdom,  was  soon  accomplished,  and  the  war — from 
the  strictly  military  standpoint— was  over.  From  our  first 
arrival,  the  natives  of  the  island  welcomed  our  battalions  with 
vivas  of  applause,  strewing  our  advancing  march  with  flowers, 
and  their  masses  were  prepared  joyfully  to  second  our  efforts 
for  their  complete  emancipation. 

That  is  the  beautiful  story  history  presents.  Lest  we  forget 
as  a nation,  and  lie  supine  in  the  easy  content  of  this  picture, 
let  me  invite  attention  for  a moment  to  a further  study  of  the 
report  of  the  Surgeon-General  for  that  war.  It  states  that 
although  only  three  men  fell  from  the  casualties  of  battle 
during  that  entire  campaign,  262,  or  nearly  100  times  as  many, 
died  from  preventable  causes.  It  fails,  however,  to  state  that 
the  number  of  hospital  admissions  nearly  equaled  the  entire 
strength  of  the  invading  army,  and  that  the  camps  of  the 
army  from  one  end  of  the  island  to  the  other,  were  pestifer- 
ous hotbeds  of  disease  before  they  had  been  occupied  a month, 
so  that,  had  the  bugle  sounded  for  action,  only  a small  per- 
centage of  the  units  would  have  been  in  a condition  to  respond 
to  the  call.  Nor  was  this  state  of  affairs  confined  to^  Porto 
Rico.  In  the  invading  armies  of  the  Philippines  and  Cuba  the 
same  conditions  prevailed. 

The  official  figures,  as  shown  in  the  following  table,  were 
furnished  me  by  the  Surgeon-General  of  the  Army,  Oct.  10, 
1905,  and  cover  the  vital  statistics  of  the  United  States  mili- 


tary  expeditions  for  the  year 

1898: 

Deaths  from 

Deaths  from 

Battle  Casualties 

Disease 

In  the  Philippine  Islands  

17 

203 

In  Porto  Rico  

3 

262 

In  Cuba  

273 

567 

In  the  U.  S.  home  camps,  etc.  . . 

2,649 

Total  deaths  

293 

3,681 

or  about  one  from  casualties  to  thirteen  from  disease. 


The  report  further  shows  that,  while  the  average  mean 
strength  of  the  army  enlisted  for  the  Spanish  War  was  about 
170,000,  the  total  number  of  admissions  to  the  hospitals,  Sept. 
10,  1898,  was  more  than  158,000,  or  90  per  . cent.  This  in  a 
war  of  less  than  three  months’  duration,  and  in  which  more 
than  three  fourths  of  its  soldiers  never  left  the  camps  of 
their  native  land. 

The  Japanese  army  for  the  same  period  had  about  4 per 
cent,  hospital  admissions,  or  one  twenty-second  as  many. 

The  vast  difference  in  favor  of  the  Japane-se  figures  illus- 
trates the  value  of  a medical  and  sanitary  department  properly 
equipped  to  enforce  practical  sanitation,  dietary  and  other 
preventive  measures. 

The  greatest  tragedy  of  war  lies,  not  in  the  battle  field,  but 
in  the  failure  of  a government  to  protect  its  guardians  from 
preventable  disease,  thereby  immeasurably  increasing  the  suf- 
fering and  mortality  incident  to  it.  This  can  be  largely  pre- 
vented by  giving  the  medical  officer  authority  to  enforce 
sanitation  and  supervisory  control  over  the  ration  of  the 
troops. 


3 


Every  death  from  preventable  disease  is  an  insult  to  the 
intelligence  of  the  age.  If  it  occurs  in  the  army,  it  becomes 
a governmental  crime.  The  state  deprives  the  soldier  of  his 
liberty,  prescribes  his  hours  of  rest,  his  exercise,  equipment, 
dress,  diet  and  the  locality  in  which  he  shall  reside,  and  in  the 
hour  of  danger  expects  him,  if  necessary,  to  lay  down  his  life 
in  defense  of  its  honor.  It  should,  therefore,  give  him  the  best 
sanitation  and  the  best  medical  supervision  the  science  of  the 
age  can  devise,  be  it  Japanese  or  Patagonian — a fact  of  which 
Congress  will  do  well  to  take  cognizance  at  the  earliest 
moment.  For,  just  as  surely  as  the  engineer  who  disregards 
the  signals,  or  the  train  dispatcher  who  gives  wrong  orders, 
is  legally  responsible  for  the  loss  of  human  life  in  the  wreck 
that  follows,  so  Congress,  or  the  wretched  medical  system 
of  our  Army,  is  responsible  for  the  thousands  of  soldiers’  lives 
needlessly,  criminally  sacrificed — not  on  the  glorious  field  of 
battle,  but  in  diseased  camps — from  preventable  causes. 

Herbert  Spencer,  in  his  “Synthetic  Philosophy,”  refers  to 
“the  ill  treatment  accorded  the  medical  officers  of  the  English 
army  as  a late  survival  of  the  days  of  feudalism,  and  con- 
tempt for  the  purely  scientific.” 

If  wars  are  inevitable,  and  the  slaughter  of  men  must  go 
on  (and  I believe  wars  are.  inevitable  and  that  most  of  them 
are  ultimately  beneficial),  then  let  our  men  be  killed  legiti- 
mately, on  the  field,  fighting  for  the  stake  at  issue,  not  dropped 
by  the  wayside  from  preventable  disease  as  we  did  in  the 
Spanish-American  War — 1,300  for  every  hundred  that  died 
in  action.  It  is  for  the  1,300  brave  fellows  that  are  needlessly 
sacrificed,  never  for  the  hundred  that  fall  gallantly  fighting, 
that  I offer  my  prayer. 

I believe  that  if  our  Medical  Department,  in  the  Spanish- 
American  War,  had  been  systematized,  with  sufficient  num- 
bers, with  supervisory  control  over  the  ration,  and  with  power 
to  enforce  sanitary  and  hygienic  regulations,  the  units  of  our 
Army  would  have  returned  to  their  homes  at  the  close  of  the 
campaign  in  better  physical  condition  than  when  they  entered 
it,  improved  by  their  summer  outing. 

An  army  might  be  suffering  from  diarrhea  or  slight  intes- 
tinal catarrh,  due  to  change  of  water,  of  ration  or  of  climate 
(and  I have  seen  90  per  cent,  of  an  entire  command  in  this 
condition  at  one  time),  compelled  to  live  on  a diet  of  pork 
and  beans  and  fermented  canned  foods  that  in  six  weeks  pros- 
trated 50  per  cent,  of  its  number  with  intestinal  diseases  and 
sent  3,000  to  their  everlasting  homes,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
enormous  number  invalided,  and  the  75,000  pension  claims  that 
followed  as  the  result.  Until  the  men  were  admitted  to  hos- 
pital wards,  the  medical  officer  had  no  authority  even  to  order 
a rice  diet,  which  would  have  prevented  the  men  from  becom- 
ing invalided.  This  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  that 
brought  our  Army  of  170,000  men  in  the  Spanish  War  almost 
to  its  knees  in  three  months,  and  sent  the  survivors  home  in 


4 


the  shrunken  and  shriveled  condition  that  many  of  us  still 
remember. 

In  all  the  wars  in  which  the  United  States  has  engaged, 
disease  has  been  responsible  for  more  than  70  per  cent,  of 
the  mortality,  more  than  half  of  which  could  have  easily  been 
prevented,  had  the  Medical  Department  been  properly  empow- 
ered to  meet  its  obligations.  Preventable  disease,  more  than 
wounds,  swells  the  pension  list.  Statistics  of  the  Pension 
Office  prove  that  if  this  unnecessary  loss  had  been  avoided, 
the  saving  in  pensions  alone,  in  every  war  in  which  America 
has  participated,  would  have  paid  the  cost  of  the  resulting  war 
every  twenty-five  years.  Aside  from  the  sorrow  of  the  homes 
made  desolate,  consider  the  economic  value  of  the  70  per  cent, 
of  lives  needlessly  sacrificed,  that  might  be  saved  as  bread- 
winners in  industrial  pursuits. 

In  an  address  delivered  before  the  International  Congress  of 
Military  Surgeons  in  1904,  after  my  return  from  the  Russo- 
Japanese  War,  I said:  “Perhaps  the  day  is  not  distant  when 
another  summons  will  come  to  join  the  Army  of  the 
Republic,  when  the  first  call  may,  be,  not  as  in  the  Civil 
War  for  75,000  men,  nor  as  in  the  Spanish  War  for 
250,000,  but  when,  more  likely  it  will  be  for  a round  half 
million,  to  be  followed  possibly  by  another  of  equal  number. 
And  the  question  will  be  asked  by  the  young  patriot  of  that 
day,  not  zvho  the  enemy  is  he  is  to  meet — No,  the  American 
boy  is  not  built  that  way — but  he  will  demand  to  know  what 
measures  have  been  taken  to  insure  him  against  the  silent 
enemy  who  kills  the  80  per  cent.  And  when  he  learns  the 
same  prehistoric  regulations  as  to  sanitation  and  protection 
against  this  foe  are  in  force  as  they  were  in  1904,  will  he 
respond  to  his  country’s  call?  Yes,  he  will,  for  that  is  the 
way  the  American  boy  is  built.  And  he  will  follow,  as  did 
his  forebears,  in  their  footsteps,  and  he  will  fall  by  the  way- 
side,  as  they  did  before.  And  history  will  record  another 
crime.” 

We  see  by  the  light  of  thousands  of  years, 

And  the  knowledge  of  millions  of  men, 

The  lessons  they  learned  through  blood  and  in  tears 
Are  ours  for  the  reading,  and  then 
We  sneer  at  their  errors  and  follies  and  dreams, 

Their  frail  idols  of  mind  and  of  stone, 

And  call  ourselves  wiser,  forgetting,  it  seems, 

That  the  future  may  laugh  at  our  own. 

Let  Congress  give  the  medical  officer  rank  and  authority 
in  all  matters  appertaining  to  sanitation  and  preventable  dis- 
ease and  supervision  over  the  ration,  when  such  authority 
will  not  interfere  with  the  strategy  of  the  commanding  officer 
of  the  line,  and  then,  if  serious  epidemics  or  other  preventable 
diseases  occur,  have  him  courtmartialed  and  cashiered  from 
the  Army,  as  though  he  were  a traitor  and  a spy. 

Louis  Livingston  Seaman,  M.D.,  LL.B.,  F.R.G.S., 

New  York. 

Late  Surgeon-Major,  U.  S.  Volunteer  Engineers. 


/0//S./1  ? 

v^  f-^  V 


TKe  Holier  Than 


Policy 


Presented  at  the  session  of  the  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science. 

Philadelphia,  1916. 


BY 

MAJOR  LOUiS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN,  U.  S.  V. 

AUTHOR  OF 

From  Tokio  through  Manchuria  with  the  Japanese,  ” “ Native  Troops  in  our 

Colonial  Possessions,  ” “ The  Real  Triumph  of  Japan,  ” “Observations 

in  China  on  the  Boxer  Campagne.  ” “ Le  Ration  du  Soldat  in 

Campaigne,”  “ Hope  of  the  Philappines,  ’’  “ Triumphs  of 

Scientific  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War  in  Foreign  Lands,” 

“The  Soldier’s  Ration  in  the  Tropics,”  “The 
Aftermath  of  the  Balkan  War,  et.,  etc. 


The  Holier  Than  Thou  Policy  of  the  President 

To  the  autocratic  attitude  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
in  refusing  to  follow  the  course  of  the  leading  governments  of  the  world 
in  their  recognition  of  President  Huerta,  of  Mexico,  and  to  the  refusal 
of  the  President  to  listen  to  our  able  and  accredited  representatives  and 
countrymen  who,  by  long  residence,  could  truthfully  testify  to  conditions 
there,  is  due  the  deplorable  state  now  existing  in  that  bleeding,  unhappy 
land.  The  factional  fights  and  savage  war  now  raging,  the  wholesale 
destruction  of  private  and  public  property,  the  murder  of  American 
citizens  and  the  ruin  of  American  women  may  justly  be  laid  to  his  door. 
By  allying  himself  with  Villa  and  lifting  the  embargo  on  arms  and  muni- 
tions, he  gave  that  butcher  bandit  the  bullets  with  which  he  is  now  mur- 
dering American  soldiers.  So  much  for  our  holier  than  thou  policy  in 
Mexico. 

As  a veteran  or  observer  of  nine  wars,  in  almost  every  section  of 
the  civilized  and  uncivilized  world,  I feel  competent  to  make  a differential 
diagnosis  between  war  and  murder.  On  August  28,  1914,  when  the 
recrudescence  of  barbarism,  now  devastating  Europe,  had  shocked  the  civ- 
ilized world,  I sent  the  following  cablegram  from  Antwerp  to  President 
Wilson : It  had  the  endorsement  of  the  Belgian  Military  authorities,  and 
every  word  in  it  has  since  been  verified  by  Viscount  Bryce,  in  his  report 
to  Parliament.  It  is  as  follows : 

“Antwerp,  August  28,  1914. 

My  dear  Mr.  President : 

Unless  the  barbarism  of  the  German  Kaiser  ceases,  the  civilization 
of  Europe  will  be  set  back  a century.  The  rules  of  The  Hague  Tribunal 
have  been  grossly  ignored.  Innocent  women  and  children  have  been 
bayonetted.  Old  men  and  non-combatants  have  been  shot.  The  white 
flag  and  red  cross  ambulances  have  been  fired  upon.  A Belgian  Red 
Cross  officer  was  shot  while  assisting  at  the  burial  of  a dead  German. 
Villages  of  non-combatants  have  been  burned  and  historic  monuments 
desecrated.  Churches  have  been  sacked  and  hostages  murdered.  This 
morning,  bombs  dropped  from  a Zeppelin  in  an  attempt  to  assassinate 
the  royal  family,  killed  eleven  citizens  and  desperately  wounded  many 
more.  This  is  not  war,  but  murder.  As  Vice-President  of  the  Peace 
and  Arbitration  League  of  the  United  States,  I implore  you  in  the  name 
of  humanity  and  justice,  to  back  American  protest  so  vigorously  that 
German  vandalism  must  cease,  and  the  future  disarmament  of  Europe 
made  possible. 

Respectfully  yours, 

LOUIS  L.  SEAMAN." 

At  that  time  Mr.  Wilson  had  every  opportunity  to  prove  the  truth' 
of  my  report,  but  it  was  disregarded,  and  he  failed  to  protest  against  the 
greatest  crime  of  history — the  monstrous  infringement  of  International1 
Law,  and  the  fundamental  rights  of  humanity.  Had  he  then  protested^ 
in  the  name  of  The  Plague  Tribunal,  and  civilization — and  made  imme-J 
diate  preparations  to  enforce  his  protest,  his  name  would  have  goncj 
down  to  history  coupled  with  that  of  AVashington  and  Lincoln,  insteac 
of  which  it  is  more  likely  to  be  associated  with  that  of  Dr.  Jekyll  anc; 
Mr.  Hyde.  There  would  have  been  no  Lusitania  and  Arabic  murder; 
to  commemorate  and  America  would  have  maintained  the  ideals,  folj 
which  your  forebears  and  mine,  since  the  days  of  Magna  Charta,  wen  | 
not  too  proud  to  fight. 


Some  day  the  murderous  cataclysm  now  raging  in  Europe  will 
cease,  and  what  will  be  the  conditions  existing  then?  It  will  find  most 
of  the  continental  nations  hopelessly  wrecked  financially,  and  saddled 
with  debts,  many  of  which  will  never  be  liquidated.  It  will  find  America 
prosperous  and  in  possession  of  wealth  beyond  the  dreams  of  avarice, 
but  without  a friend  in  the  world.  It  will  find  Europe  jealous  of  our 
prosperity  and  envious  of  our  riches.  Prosperity  without  protection 
is  a peril.  Envy  and  jealousy  are  the  most  fruitful  causes  of  war. 
Unless  we  are  prepared  to  resist  unjust  demands,  war  will  undoubtedly 
follow.  Congress  and  the  President  have  already  wasted  most  valuable 
time  in  failing  to  make  adequate  preparation  for  the  preservation  of 
peace.  Unless  this  is  done  and  done  immediately,  our  country  will  cer- 
tainly receive  the  treatment  it  will  deserve — vivisection,  with  but  little 
sympathy  for  the  patient  under  the  scalpel.  You  may  remember  Bis- 
marck’s significant  reply  when  asked  what  he  thought  of  America. 
“America,”  said  he,,  “is  a fine  fat  hog;  and  when  we’re  ready,  we  will 
stick  it.” 

Gentlemen,  I beg  of  you,  as  you  value  your  wives  and  your  pos- 
terity, to  advocate  a policy  of  preparation  that  will  prevent  War.  If 
America  proposes  to  play  the  part  in  history  its  founders  intended,  and 
destiny  intends  unless  we  follow  the  example  of  China,  and  submit  to 
the  war-lords  of  Europe,  we  must  make  immediate  preparation  for  the 
preservation  of  peace  by  the  creation  of  an  adequate  navy  and  by  some 
well-tried  system  for  an  army  like  that  of  Switzerland,  which  has  with- 
stood the  test  of  three  hundred  years  and  has  prevented  war  even  in  the 
supreme  danger  of  the  present  day. 

The  President’s  policy  of  “Scuttle”  for  The  Philippines,  is  nothing 
less  than  criminal.  To  abandon  the  Islands  now,  in  the  elementary 
stage  of  their  political  and  social  development,  would  be  worse 
than  the  hounding  of  Huerta,  and  would  entail  upon  them 
a condition  more  terrible  than  now  exists  in  Mexico.  “By  the 
same  path  must  ye  walk”  is  as  true  today  as  it  was  two  thou- 
sand years  ago.  The  continuity  of  history  cannot  be  broken ; a people 
cannot  break  with  its  past ; immemorial  heredity  must  be  remembered. 
To  suppose  that  from  the  low-bred  Filipino,  there  could  be  evolved  in 
a single  generation  one  worthy  or  competent  to  exercise  self-government, 
is  to  ignore  every  lazv  of  social  progress  and  natural  selection,  and  to 
indulge  in  the  zvildest  optimism.  Is  it  possible  to  believe  that  a Ma- 
lay, the  natural  product  of  his  tropical  environment  — whose  evolu- 
tion has  taken  ages  in  the  development  of  the  instincts  of  cunning  and 
treachery,  the  characteristics  and  qualities  that  have  enabled  him  to  pre- 
serve his  existence  in  the  land  of  the  tiger  and  the  viper — could  be  sud- 
denly translated  into  a self-governing  citizen?  The  Anglo-Saxon  of 
temperate  clime  has  required  many  centuries  of  natural  selection  to 
evolve  from  his  savagery.  As  the  cave-man,  he  too,  was  full  of  ferocity, 
guarding  his  home  and  his  family  with  his  life.  Evolving  from  the 
dark  ages  through  feudal  days,  assisted  by  the  teaching  and  traditions 
of  the  Church,  the  example  of  Greece  and  Rome  and  the  Free  Cities 
of  Europe,  profiting  by  the  lessons  of  the  Reformation,  the  influence 
of  the  thought  of  great  leaders,  by  long  wars  for  the  vindication  of 
right,  by  Magna  Charta,  the  printing-press,  the  drama,  the  French  Revo- 
lution, and  our  own  Revolution — through  all  these  stages  he  gradually 
developed  from  ignorance  and  superstitution  into  a thinking,  self-gov- 
erning man.  But  this  development  required  a thousand  years  to  free 
him  from  his  ignorance  and  moral  serfdom,  and  to  prepare  him  to  rule 


himself.  Is  the  Malay  savage  so  infinitely  the  intellectual  and  moral 
superior  of  the  Caucasian,  that  he  can  emerge  from  his  late  savagery 
into  this  sphere  of  civilization,  and  attain  this  rich  inheritance,  in  a 
single  decade?  Is  this  self-governing  ability  (which  is  not  yet  over- 
developed among  ourselves,  as  the  resident  of  any  great  American  city 
must  confess),  to  be  hypodermically  injected  in  concentrated  essence  into 
the  ignorant,  treacherous,  low-bred  Filipino,  by  bullets,  or  prayer-books, 
or  school-houses,  in  a generation,  so  as  to  qualify  him  for  beneficent 
assimilation  and  self-government?  The  suggestion  is  preposterous. 

I believe  the  most  practical  solution  of  the  Philippine  problem — -is 
to  allow  them  to  follow  the  course  of  natural  selection  through  the  im- 
portation of  the  Chinaman.  His  exclusion  from  these  islands  was  a 
diplomatic  blunder  comparable  only  with  our  treatment  of  the  Japanese 
and  Chinese  on  our  Pacific  coast,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Sand-lot  orators, 
the  charlatan  politicians,  and  the  yellow  journalism  of  California.  When  I 
was  last  in  the  Philippines  there  were  about  one  hundred  thousand  Chinese 
there,  who  formed  by  far  the  most  industrious  class  of  the  inhabitants. 
The  Chinese  mestizo  (half  Chinese  and  half  Filipino),  is  acknowledged 
to  be  superior  to  the  Eurasian,  or  mestizo  of  Occidental  cross — as  well 
as  to  the  Hindu  or  Bornean.  Many  of  them  were  wealthy  bankers  or 
merchants.  Others  were  engaged  as  compradors  or  clerks,  on  account 
of  their  quick  wit,  sterling  honesty,  industry  and  individual  merit.  As 
in  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  they  formed  the  most  valuable  element  of  the 
populaton.  The  Chinese-PIawaiian  half-caste  is  the  keenest  business 
man  and  the  most  industrious  citizen  to  be  found  in  those  islands.  The 
exclusion  of  the  Chinese  laborer  from  the  Philippines  has  done  inesti- 
mable damage  by  retardng  industrial  and  commercial  development.  De- 
spite his  fanaticism  when  directed  by  ignorant  rulers,  he  has  shown  his 
superiority  over  other  Orientals  in  his  untiring  industry,  his  domesticity 
and  his  honesty.  When  put  in  competition  with  the  Bornean,  the  Fili- 
pino, the  Cingalese,  the  Hawaiian,  or  the  Hindu,  he  invariably  wins,  as 
may  be  seen  by  his  rise  from  poverty  to  wealth  and  influence  in  the 
cities  of  Singapore,  Calcutta,  Sandakan,  Manila  and  Honolulu.  It  is  time 
America  recognized  that,  in  the  great  race  of  civilization,  and  the  greater 
race  for  the  survival  of  the  fittest,  the  nation  that  has  preserved  the  integ- 
rity of  its  government  for  over  six  thousands  years,  that  has  witnessed 
the  rise  and  fall  of  the  civilizations  of  Chaldea,  Egypt,  Greece  and  Rome, 
that  can  claim  the  discovery  of  the  compass,  of  gunpowder,  the  game  of 
chess  and  the  printing-press,  and  that  gave  birth  to  that  great  philosopher 
who,  five  hundred  years  before  the  coming  of  Christ,  propounded  and 
exemplified  the  doctrine:  “Do  not  do  unto  others  what  you  would  not 
have  others  do  unto  you,”  is  more  to  be  feared  for  its  virtues  than  for 
its  vices.  The  presence  of  the  Chinaman  in  the  Philippines  — with  the 
substitution  of  his  characteristics  of  honesty,  domesticity  and  industry, 
for  the  dishonesty,  laziness  and  treachery  of  the  Filipino — will  do  more 
to  promote  the  industrial  development  and  the  civilization  of  these  is- 
lands than  any  other  factor,  and  the  sooner  America  appreciates  this  fact 
and  acts  upon  it,  the  more  prompt  will  be  our  relief  from  our  present 
embarrassing  position.  To  desert  them  now  under  the  travesty  of  lib- 
erty, or  justice,  would  be  a monumental  and  hypocritical  crime. 

LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN, 

M.D.,  L.L.B.,  A.B.,  F.R.G.S. 


247  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York. 


'it's  i /-£ 


c?f 


:y?/ 


THE  HOPE  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES* 


BY  MAJOR  LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN,  LATE  SURGEON  UNITED 
STATES  VOLUNTEERS 


As  colonizers,  in  the  practical  acceptation  of  the  word,  Americans  are 
not  and  never  can  be  successful,  because  of  the  excessive  idealism  of  their 
aspirations.  Despite  the  general  belief  that  the  acquisition  of  the  Al- 
mighty Dollar  is  the  height  of  our  ambition  as  a people,  the  aims  of  all 
American  military  expeditions,  throughout  our  entire  history,  have  been 
absolutely  altruistic — always  for  the  elevation  of  the  downtrodden  or 
the  relief  of  the  victims  of  tyranny.  We  have  constantly  endeavored 
to  create  self-respecting,  self-supporting  citizens,  capable  of  appreciating 
liberty  and  of  intelligently  exercising  that  greatest  of  all  blessings,  self- 
government. 

Can  history  furnish  a parallel  to  America’s  disinterested  emancipation 
of  Cuba  from  Spain?  It  involved  a war  with  a European  Power,  the 
loss  of  the  lives  of  thousands  of  her  free-born  citizens,  and  the  expendi- 
ture, with  unexampled  prodigality,  of  a round  billion  from  her  treas- 
ury. Then,  after  stamping  out  tyranny,  she  completed  the  conquest  by 
putting  the  island  in  sanitary  condition  and  transferring  it  to  a liberated 
people,  giving  them  their  lands,  their  cities  and  their  homes,  together 
with  a promise  of  protection  from  other  Powers  through  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  without  saddling  the  country  with  a financial  claim  of  indem- 
nity for  a single  cent.  Would  this  have  been  the  policy  of  the  other 
great  colonizing  countries  of  the  world?  The  recent  action  of  the  so- 
called  “Powers”  in  Africa  does  not  tend  to  indicate  that  it  would.  Since 
the  wonderful  discoveries  of  Livingstone,  which  so  greatly  stimulated 
the  world’s  appreciation  of  the  possibilities  of  that  continent,  there  has 
been  going  on  in  that  vast  domain  a carnival  of  territorial  lust  unpre- 
cedented in  history.  It  culminated  some  thirty  years  ago  in  the  so- 
called  partitioning  of  the  continent  by  the  Powers,  who,  in  their  division 
of  the  spoils,  followed,  like  the  robber  barons  of  feudal  times, 

“The  good  old  rule,  the  simple  plan. 

That  they  should  take  who  have  the  power, 

And  they  should  keep  who  can.” 


*In  view  of  the  attitude  of  the  Administration  on  the  Philippine  and 
Mexican  problems,  the  following  extracts  from  an  article  in  the  North  Ameri- 
can Review  are  reprinted  at  the  request  of  numerous  friends. 


And  what  has  been  done  there  in  the  name  of  civilization  to  justify 
this  robbery  of  a continent?  Very  little,  beyond  the  systematized  col- 
lection of  taxes  so  onerous  as  to  practically  reduce  the  natives  to  abject 
servitude. 

A similar  spoliation,  on  a somewhat  smaller  scale,  would  have  oc- 
curred in  the  Celestial  Empire  after  the  Boxer  war  had  not  the  diplomacy 
of  Europe  been  defeated  there.  The  allied  armies  of  eight  nations  were 
there  waiting,  watching  each  other  like  hungry  buzzards,  for  the  final 
dissolution  of  the  sick  man  of  the  Far  East,  when  they  thought  another 
opportunity  would  offer  for  an  extension  of  their  territorial  spheres.  But 
the  humane  and  enlightened  policy  of  Mr.  Hay,  demanding  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  integrity  of  China  and  the  maintenance  of  the  open  door, 
was  successful,  and  the  people  of  that  unhappy  land  were  rescued  from 
the  fate  of  the  helpless,  and  almost  hopeless,  Africans  of  to-day.  And 
let  it  never  be  forgotten  they  were  rescued  by  America. 

On  the  occasion  of  a second  and  recent  outbreak  in  Cuba,  when  in- 
ternal dissensions  disturbed  the  peace  and  order  of  that  country  and 
necessitated  its  occupation  by  an  army  of  intervention,  America  did  not 
take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  seize  that  gem  of  the  Antilles  to 
make  it  a tributary  to  her  treasury. 

Nor  did  we  seek  the  Philippines  for  territorial  aggrandizement.  They 
fell  to  us  as  the  unexpected,  but  legitimate,  result  of  war,  and  when  they 
were  definitely  ceded  to  us  by  treaty  we  paid  for  them  with  clean  Ameri- 
can gold.  Twice  I have  visited  these  islands,  once  as  an  active  participant 
in  the  wretched  war  that  began  in  1898  and  which  is  likely  to  continue 
intermittingly  for  centuries — if  the  testimony  of  almost  every  army  offi- 
cer who  has  served  there  can  be  accepted — if  we  remain  there  so  long. 
But  since  our  occupation  of  the  archipelago,  the  real  motive  of  America 
in  administering  its  affairs  has  been  absolutely  unselfish.  Of  the  hun- 
dreds of  millions  sunk  in  that  region  of  treachery  and  savagery  it  is 
doubtful  whether  America  will  ever  reap  the  benefit  of  so  much  as  the 
price  of  the  homeward  passage  for  its  army. 

Was  it  as  a stepping-stone  for  the  trade  of  the  Orient  that  we  re- 
tained possession  of  the  Philippines?  The  oldest  and  most  respected 
American  merchant  in  China,  one  who  has  spent  forty  years  in  the  Orient 
and  has  represented  his  Government  in  various  important  capacities, 
said  to  me  while  discussing  this  point : 

“As  well  might  America  regard  the  Bermudas  or  the  Canary  Isles 
as  stepping-stones  for  the  English,  French  or  German  trade  of  Europe, 
as  require  the  Philippines  for  the  advancement  of  trade  in  the  East.  In- 
stead of  a help  they  are  a direct  menace,  requiring  protection  and  pro- 
voking international  jealousies ; and,  in  case  of  war,  they  would  be  a con- 
stant source  of  the  gravest  danger  because  of  their  great  distance  from 
our  base.” 

Is  it  for  the  financial  advantage  of  the  United  States  that  our  thou- 
sand school-teachers  are  now  drawing  salaries  in  the  attempt  to  educate 


these  semi-savage,  deceitful  Malays,  tainted  with  Spanish  cross,  who  for 
centuries  will  be  unable  to  eradicate  the  treacherous  and  cowardly  in- 
stincts of  their  race?  “By  the  same  path  must  ye  walk”  is  as  true  to- 
day as  it  was  two  thousand  years  ago.  The  continuity  of  history  cannot 
be  broken ; a people  cannot  break  with  its  past ; immemorial  heredity 
must  be  remembered.  To  suppose  that  from  the  low-bred  Filipino  there 
could  be  evolved  in  a single  generation  one  worthy  or  competent  to  ex- 
ercise self-government,  is  to  ignore  every  law  of  anthropology  and  natural 
selection,  and  to  indulge  in  the  wildest  optimism.  Is  it  possible  to  be- 
lieve that  such  a creature,  the  natural  product  of  his  tropical  environment 
■ — whose  evolution  has  taken  ages  in  the  development  of  the  instincts 
of  cunning  and  treachery,  the  characteristics  and  qualities  that  have  en- 
abled him  to  preserve  his  existence  in  the  land  of  the  tiger  and  the  viper 
- — could  be  suddenly  translated  into  a self-governing  citizen  ? The  Anglo- 
Saxon  of  temperate  clime  has  required  many  centuries  of  natural  selec- 
tion to  evolve  from  his  savagery.  As  the  cave-man,  he  too  was  full  of 
ferocity,  guarding  his  home  and  his  family  with  his  life.  Evolving  from 
the  dark  ages  through  feudal  days  assisted  by  the  teaching  and  traditions 
of  the  Church,  the  example  of  Greece  and  Rome  and  the  Free  Cities  of 
Europe,  profiting  by  the  lessons  of  the  Reformation,  the  influence  of  the 
thought  of  great  leaders,  by  long  wars  for  the  vindication  of  right,  by 
Magna  Charta,  the  printing-press,  the  drama,  the  French  Revolution,  and 
our  own  Revolution ; through  all  these  things  he  gradually  developed 
from  ignorance  and  superstition  into  a thinking,  self-governing  man.  But 
in  this  development  it  required  a thousand  years  to  free  him  from  his 
ignorance  and  moral  serfdom,  and  to  prepare  him  to  rule  himself.  Is 
the  African  or  Malay  savage  so  infinitely  the  intellectual  and  moral  su- 
perior of  the  Caucasian,  that  he  can  emerge  from  his  savagery  into  this 
sphere  of  civilization,  and  attain  this  rich  inheritance,  in  a single  decade? 
Is  this  self-governing  ability  (which  is  not  yet  overdeveloped  among  our- 
selves, as  the  resident  of  any  great  American  city  must  confess)  to  be 
hypodermically  injected  in  concentrated  essence  into  the  ignorant,  treach- 
erous, low-bred  Filipino,  by  bullets,  or  prayer-books,  or  school-houses, 
in  a generation,  so  as  to  qualify  him  for  beneficent  assimilation?  The 
suggestion  is  preposterous. 

I believe  the  most  practical  solution  of  the  Philippine  problem — if 
the  American  people  are  foolish  enough  to  continue  their  extravagant 
experiment  there,  or  if  we  are  not  relieved  of  the  responsibility  of  the 
islands  by  neutralizing  them,  or  through  some  foreign  complication — 
is  to  allow  them  to  follow  the  course  of  natural  selection  through  the 
importation  of  the  Chinaman.  His  exclusion  from  these  islands  was  a 
diplomatic  blunder,  comparable  only  with  the  treatment  of  the  Orientals 
on  our  Pacific  coast  at  the  instigation  of  the  Sand-lot  orators,  the  char- 
latan politicians,  and  the  yellow  journalism  of  California.  When  I was 
last  in  the  Philippines  there  were  about  one  hundred  thousand  Chinese 
there,  who  formed  by  far  the  most  industrious  class  of  the  inhabitants. 


The  Chinese  mestizo  (half  Chinese  and  half  Filipino)  is  acknowledged  to 
be  superior  to  the  Eurasian,  or  mestizo  of  Occidental  cross — as  well  as 
to  the  Hindu  or  Bornean.  Many  of  them  were  wealthy  bankers  or  mer- 
chants. Others  were  engaged  as  compradors  or  clerks,  banking-houses 
employing  them  almost  to  the  exclusion  of  other  nationalities  on  account 
of  their  quick  wit,  sterling  honesty,  industry,  and  individual  merit.  As 
in  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  they  formed  the  most  valuable  element  of  the 
population.  The  Chinese-Hawaiian  half-caste  is  the  keenest  business  man 
and  the  most  industrious  citizen  to  be  found  in  those  islands.  The  ex- 
clusion of  the  Chinese  laborer  from  the  Philippines  will  do  inestimable 
damage  by  retarding  industrial  and  commercial  development.  Despite 
his  fanaticism  when  directed  by  ignorant  rulers,  he  has  shown  his  su- 
periority over  other  Orientals  in  his  untiring  industry,  his  domesticity 
and  his  honesty.  In  the  large  foreign  hongs,  or  business  houses,  of  China 
he  is  the  trusted  employee  in  places  requiring  responsibility.  When  put 
in  competition  with  the  Bornean,  the  Filipino,  the  Cingalese,  the  Ha- 
waiian, or  the  Hindu,  he  invariably  wins,  as  may  be  seen  by  his  rise  from 
poverty  to  wealth  and  influence  in  the  cities  of  Singapore,  Calcutta,  San- 
dakan,  Manila,  and  Honolulu.  It  is  time  America  recognized  that,  in 
the  great  race  of  civilization,  and  the  greater  raceTor  the  survival  of  the 
fittest,  the  nation  that  has  preserved  the  integrity  of  its  government  for 
over  six  thousand  years,  that  has  witnessed  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  civ- 
ilizations of  Chaldea,  Egypt,  Greece  and  Rome,  that  can  claim  the  dis- 
covery of  the  compass,  of  gunpowder,  the  game  of  chess,  and  the  print- 
ing-press, and  that  gave  birth  to  that  great  philosopher  who,  five  hundred 
years  before  the  coming  of  Christ,  propounded  and  exemplified  the  doc- 
trine, Do  not  do  unto  others  what  you  would  not  have  others  do  unto  you, 
is  more  to  be  feared  for  its  virtues  than  for  its  vices.  The  presence  of 
the  Chinaman  in  the  Philippines — with  the  substitution  of  his  character- 
istics of  honesty,  domesticity  and  industry,  for  the  dishonesty,  laziness 
and  treachery  of  the  Filipino — will  do  more  to  promote  the  industrial 
development  and  the  civilization  of  these  islands  than  any  other  factor, 
and  the  sooner  America  appreciates  this  fact  and  acts  upon  it,  the  more 
prompt  will  be  her  relief  from  her  present  embarrassing  position. 

Uncle  Sam  has  paid,  and  is  paying  dearly,  for  his  experiment  and 
the  privilege  of  protecting  the  trade  of  his  distant  possessions  for  the 
benefit  of  England,  Germany  and  other  nations.  Some  day  he  will  tire 
of  the  constant  drain  on  his  treasury  and  his  army,  and  remove  these 
islands  from  the  arena  of  politics,  and  the  natural  law  of  evolution  will 
prevail — Land  many  there  are  who  will  welcome  the  coming  of  that  day. 

Louis  Livingston  Seaman,  M.D.,  LL.B.,  A.B.,  F.R.G.S. 

Query: — Are  we  to  benefit  by  our  wretched  experiences  in  the 
Philippines,  or  are  we  to  blunder  into  another  political  quagmire  in 
Mexico  so  the  sun  may  never  set  on  our  troubles  ? 


AN  APPEAL 


TO 

THE  PATRIOTIC 


WOMEN 


OF  AMERICA 


AN  APPEAL 


TO  THE 

PATRIOTIC  WOMEN  OF  AMERICA. 


Six  Reasons  Why  the  Soldiers’  Club  or  Canteen  Should  be 
Restored  in  the  United  States  Army. 


First:  Because  it  was  an  institution  where  soldiers  could 
pass  their  leisure  in  wholesome  surroundings  under  military  dis- 
cipline, where  whisky  was  never  sold,  and  intemperance  never 
tolerated ; where  relief  could  be  found  by  the  men  from  monotony 
of  Post  life,  and  as  a glass  of  beer  and  sandwiches  could  be  pur- 
chased, the  craving  for  stronger  drink  was  satisfied,  so  that  many 
men,  who  before  enlistment  were  hard  drinkers,  became  through 
this  discipline  temperate. 

Second  : Because  its  abolition  has  proved  a failure,  as  shown 
by  statistics.  Instead  of  reducing  intemperance  the  present  law 
has  increased  drunkenness,  immorality,  insubordination  and  de- 
sertion. 

In  the  first  year  of  the  establishment  of  the  Canteen  at  Fort  Custer, 
the  number  of  enlisted  men  confined  in  the  Guard  House,  for  offenses 
following  overindulgence  in  drink  was  reduced  over  70  per  cent. 

Third:  Because  its  absence  has  driven  the  soldier  to  seek 
recreation  outside  the  limits  of  camp — in  those  curses  of  the 
army,  the  rum  shops  and  brothels  that  are  found  near  every  Post 
and  that  flourish  on  the  earnings  and  weaknesses  of  the  enlisted 
men.  Crime  and  debauchery  thrive  in  these  dives  where  the 
soldier,  led  by  his  innate  craving  for  drink  or  amusement  is  the 
victim.  The  establishment  of  the  Canteen  did  away  with  these 
disgraceful  resorts.  Since  its  abolition,  they  have  reappeared 
and  were  never  so  flourishing  as  to-day. 

Fourth  : Because  its  re-establishment  will  reduce  the  shock- 
ing prevalence  of  venereal  disease — the  greatest  menace  the  Army 
faces  to-day.  The  appalling  increase  of  this  disease  has  been  in 
almost  constant  ratio  since  the  abolition  of  the  Canteen,  as  I know 
from  personal  observation  in  the  U.  S.  military  hospitals  in  Porto 
Rico  and  Cuba  during  and  since  the  Spanish- American  War,  in 
China  during  the  Boxer  War,  in  the  Philippines  and  in  our  mili- 
tary hospitals  at  home.  In  1910  there  was  14,640  hospital  admis- 
sions from  the  cause  alone,  nearly  20  per  cent.,  or  one-fifth,  the 
total  strength  of  the  army,  equal  to  fifteen  regiments.  Some 
years  ago  I presented  this  subject  before  the  Association  of  Mili- 


tary  Surgeons  of  the  United  States,  and  after  a free  discussion 
submitted  the  following  preamble  and  resolution  which  were 
unanimously  adopted : 

“Whereas,  the  Association  of  Military  Surgeons  of  the  United 
States  now  in  session  recognizes  that  the  abolition  of  the  Army  Post 
Exchange,  or  Canteen,  has  resulted,  and  must  inevitably  result,  in 
an  increase  of  intemperance,  insubordination,  discontent,  desertion 
and  disease  in  the  Army;  therefore,  be  it 

“ Resolved , That  this  body  deplores  the  action  of  Congress  in  abol- 
ishing the  said  Post  Exchange  or  Canteen,  and,  in  the  interests  of 
sanitation,  morality  and  discipline,  recommends  its  re-establishment 
at  the  earliest  possible  date.” 

Later  I submitted  this  same  resolution  before  the  American 
Medical  Association  representing  80,000  leading  medical  men  of 
this  country.  Also  before  the  American  Public  Health  Associa- 
tion— at  various  reunions  of  army  veterans,  before  the  New  York 
Academy  of  Medicine,  the  New  York  State  Medical  Society  and 
the  American  Society  for  Social  and  Moral  Prophylaxis,  all  of 
which  societies  or  associations  adopted  it  with  equal  unanimity. 

Fifth  : Because  those  best  qualified  to  render  fair  judgment 
on  this  subject,  the  Medical  and  Line  Officers  of  the  Army,  the 
members  of  the  Associations  just  named,  the  wives  of  officers 
and  enlisted  men,  who,  in  foreign  stations  or  remote  outposts  are 
often  called  upon  to  face  dangers  of  which  the  civilian  has  no 
appreciation — indeed,  all  who  have  the  honor  of  the  Army  at 
heart,  stand  as  a unit  for  the  repeal  of  the  present  act  and  the 
restoration  of  the  Canteen. 

Sixth  : Because  the  chief  financial  supporters  of  the  present 
law  are  the  whisky  dealers  whose  interests  are  enormously  bene- 
fited through  its  enforcement. 

A bill  for  the  repeal  of  the  Anti-Canteen  Law  is  now  before 
Congress— introduced  by  the  Honorable  Richard  Bartholdt.  And 
I appeal  to  each  and  every  woman  who  honors  her  country  and 
its  defenders  to  request  the  member  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives and  the  Senator  representing  the  District  in  which  she 
resides,  to  use  his  influence  for  the  passage  of  this  measure.  Such 
action  would  replace  the  responsibility  for  the  morale  and  disci- 
pline of  the  Army  in  the  hands  of  those  properly  delegated  to 
administer  its  affairs.  And  Congress  would  thereby  right  a seri- 
ous wrong,  and  to  some  extent,  restore  its  own  dignity  which  has 
so  yielded  to  the  clamor  of  ignorant  fanaticism,  for  in  the 
killing  of  a mouse,  they  resurrected  a monster. 

Major  Louis  L.  Seaman,  M.D.,  LL.B.,  A.B.,  F.R.G.S., 

Late  Surgeon  U.  S.  A".  E. 


The 


Policy 


of  the  President 


Presented  at  the  session  of  the  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science. 

Philadelphia,  1916. 


BY 

MAJOR  LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN,  U.  S.  V. 

AUTHOR  OF 

“ From  Tokio  through  Manchuria  with  the  Japanese,  ” “ Native  Troops  in  our 

Colonial  Possessions,  ” “ The  Real  Triumph  of  Japan,  ” “Observations 

in  China  on  the  Boxer  Campagne.  Le  Ration  du  Soldat  in 

Campaigne,”  “ Hope  of  the  Philappines,  ’’  “ Triumphs  of 

Scientific  Medicine  in  Peace  and  War  in  Foreign  Lands,” 

“The  Soldier’s  Ration  in  the  Tropics,”  “The 
Aftermath  of  the  Balkan  War,  et.,  etc. 


The  Holier  Than  Thou  Policy  of  the  President 

i ; ~~ 

To  the  autocratic  attitude  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
in  refusing  to  follow  the  course  of  the  leading  governments  of  the  world 
in  their  recognition  of  President  Huerta,  of  Mexico,  and  to  the  refusal 
of  the  President  to  listen  to  our  able  and  accredited  representatives  and 
countrymen  who,  by  long  residence,  could  truthfully  testify  to  conditions  , 
there,  is  due  the  deplorable  state  now  existing  in  that  bleeding,  unhappy  1 
land.  The  factional  fights  and  savage  war  now  raging,  the  wholesale 
destruction  of  private  and  public  property,  the  murder  of  American ! 
citizens  and  the  ruin  of  American  women  may  justly  be  laid  to  his  door.  1 
By  allying  himself  with  Villa  and  lifting  the  embargo  on  arms  and  muni'j 
tions,  he  gave  that  butcher  bandit  the  bullets  with  which  he  is  now  mur>  Jij 
dering  American  soldiers.  So  much  for  our  holier  than  thou  policy  in 
Mexico. 

As  a veteran  or  observer  of  nine  wars,  in  almost  every  section  of  ! 
the  civilized  and  uncivilized  world,  I feel  competent  to  make  a differential 
diagnosis  between  war  and  murder.  On  August  28,  1914,  when  the 
recrudescence  of  barbarism,  now  devastating  Europe,  had  shocked  the  civ- 
ilized world,  I sent  the  following  cablegram  from  Antwerp  to  President 
Wilson : It  had  the  endorsement  of  the  Belgian  Military  authorities,  and 
every  word  in  it  has  since  been  verified  by  Viscount  Bryce,  in  his  report 
to  Parliament.  It  is  as  follows: 

“Antwerp,  August  28,  1914. 

My  dear  Mr.  President: 

Unless  the  barbarism  of  the  German  Kaiser  ceases,  the  civilization 
of  Europe  will  be  set  back  a century.  The  rules  of  The  Hague  Tribunal 
have  been  grossly  ignored.  Innocent  women  and  children  have  been 
bayonetted.  Old  men  and  non-combatants  have  been  shot.  The  white 
flag  and  red  cross  ambulances  have  been  fired  upon.  A Belgian  Red 
Cross  officer  was  shot  while  assisting  at  the  burial  of  a dead  German.  | 
Villages  of  non-combatants  have  been  burned  and  historic  monuments1 
desecrated.  Churches  have  been  sacked  and  hostages  murdered.  This 
morning,  bombs  dropped  from  a Zeppelin  in  an  attempt  to  assassinate 
the  royal  family,  killed  eleven  citizens  and  desperately  wounded  many 
more.  This  is  not  war,  but  murder.  As  Vice-President  of  the  Peace  jjj 
and  Arbitration  League  of  the  United  States,  I implore  you  in  the  name 
of  humanity  and  justice,  to  back  American  protest  so  vigorously  that’ 
German  vandalism  must  cease,  and  the  future  disarmament  of  Europe 
made  possible. 

Respectfully  yours, 

LOUIS  L.  SEAMAN.” 

At  that  time  Mr.  Wilson  had  every  opportunity  to  prove  the  truth 
of  my  report,  but  it  was  disregarded,  and  he  failed  to  protest  against  the 
greatest  crime  of  history — the  monstrous  infringement  of  International 
Law,  and  the  fundamental  rights  of  humanity.  Had  he  then  protested 
in  the  name  of  The  Hague  Tribunal,  and  civilization — and  made  imme- 
diate preparations  to  enforce  his  protest,  his  name  would  have  gone, 
down  to  history  coupled  with  that  of  Washington  and  Lincoln,  instead 
of  which  it  is  more  likely  to  be  associated  with  that  of  Dr.  Jekyll  and 
Mr.  Hyde.  There  would  have  been  no  Lusitania  and  Arabic  murders 
to  commemorate  and  America  would  have  maintained  the  ideals,  for 
which  your  forebears  and  mine,  since  the  days  of  Magna  Charta,  were 
not  too  proud  to  fight. 


Some  day  the  murderous  cataclysm  now  raging  in  Europe  will 
cease,  and  what  will  be  the  conditions  existing  then?  It  will  find  most 
of  the  continental  nations  hopelessly  wrecked  financially,  and  saddled 
with  debts,  many  of  which  will  never  be  liquidated.  It  will  find  America 
prosperous  and  in  possession  of  wealth  beyond  the  dreams  of  avarice, 
but  without  a friend  in  the  world.  It  will  find  Europe  jealous  of  our 
prosperity  and  envious  of  our  riches.  Prosperity  without  protection 
is  a peril.  Envy  and  jealousy  are  the  most  fruitful  causes  of  war. 
Unless  we  are  prepared  to  resist  unjust  demands,  war  will  undoubtedly 
follow.  Congress  and  the  President  have  already  wasted  most  valuable 
time  in  failing  to  make  adequate  preparation  for  the  preservation  of 
peace.  Unless  this  is  done  and  done  immediately,  our  country  will  cer- 
tainly receive  the  treatment  it  will  deserve — vivisection,  with  but  little 
sympathy  for  the  patient  under  the  scalpel.  You  may  remember  Bis- 
marck’s significant  reply  when  asked  what  he  thought  of  America. 
‘‘America,”  said  he,,  “is  a fine  fat  hog;  and  when  we’re  ready,  we  will 
stick  it.” 

Gentlemen,  I beg  of  you,  as  you  value  your  wives  and  your  pos- 
terity, to  advocate  a policy  of  preparation  that  will  prevent  War.  If 
America  proposes  to  play  the  part  in  history  its  founders  intended,  and 
destiny  intends  unless  we  follow  the  example  of  China,  and  submit  to 
the  war-lords  of  Europe,  we  must  make  immediate  preparation  for  the 
preservation  of  peace  by  the  creation  of  an  adequate  navy  and  by  some 
well-tried  system  for  an  army  like  that  of  Switzerland,  which  has  with- 
stood the  test  of  three  hundred  years  and  has  prevented  war  even  in  the 
supreme  danger  of  the  present  day. 

The  President’s  policy  of  “Scuttle”  for  The  Philippines,  is  nothing 
less  than  criminal.  To  abandon  the  Islands  now,  in  the  elementary 
stage  of  their  political  and  social  development,  would  be  worse 
than  the  hounding  of  Huerta,  and  would  entail  upon  them 
a condition  more  terrible  than  now  exists  in  Mexico.  “By  the 
same  path  must  ye  walk”  is  as  true  today  as  it  was  two  thou- 
sand years  ago.  The  continuity  of  history  cannot  be  broken;  a people 
cannot  break  with  its  past  ; immemorial  heredity  must  be  remembered. 
To  suppose  that  from  the  low-bred  Filipino,  there  could  be  evolved  in 
a single  generation  one  worthy  or  competent  to  exercise  self-government, 
is  to  ignore  every  law  of  social  progress  and  natural  selection,  and  to 
indulge  in  the  wildest  optimism.  Is  it  possible  to  believe  that  a Ma- 
lay, the  natural  product  of  his  tropical  environment  — whose  evolu- 
tion has  taken  ages  in  the  development  of  the  instincts  of  cunning  and 
treachery,  the  characteristics  and  qualities  that  have  enabled  him  to  pre- 
serve his  existence  in  the  land  of  the  tiger  and  the  viper — could  be  sud- 
denly translated  into  a self-governing  citizen?  The  Anglo-Saxon  of 
temperate  clime  has  required  many  centuries  of  natural  selection  to 
evolve  from  his  savagery.  As  the  cave-man,  he  too,  was  full  of  ferocity, 
guarding  his  home  and  his  family  with  his  life.  Evolving  from  the 
dark  ages  through  feudal  days,  assisted  by  the  teaching  and  traditions 
of  the  Church,  the  example  of  Greece  and  Rome  and  the  Free  Cities 
of  Europe,  profiting  by  the  lessons  of  the  Reformation,  the  influence 
of  the  thought  of  great  leaders,  by  long  wars  for  the  vindication  of 
right,  by  Magna  Charta,  the  printing-press,  the  drama,  the  French  Revo- 
lution, and  our  own  Revolution — through  all  these  stages  he  gradually 
developed  from  ignorance  and  superstitution  into  a thinking,  self-gov- 
erning man.  But  this  development  required  a thousand  years  to  free 
him  from  his  ignorance  and  moral  serfdom,  and  to  prepare  him  to  rule 


himself.  Is  the  Malay  savage  so  infinitely  the  intellectual  and  moral 
superior  of  the  Caucasian,  that  he  can  emerge  from  his  late  savagery 
into  this  sphere  of  civilization,  and  attain  this  rich  inheritance,  in  a 
single  decade?  Is  this  self-governing  ability  (which  is  not  yet  over- 
developed among  ourselves,  as  the  resident  of  any  great  American  city 
must  confess),  to  be  hypodermically  injected  in  concentrated  essence  into 
the  ignorant,  treacherous,  low-bred  Filipino,  by  bullets,  or  prayer-books, 
or  school-houses,  in  a generation,  so  as  to  qualify  him  for  beneficent 
assimilation  and  self-government?  The  suggestion  is  preposterous. 

I believe  the  most  practical  solution  of  the  Philippine  problem — is 
to  allow  them  to  follow  the  course  of  natural  selection  through  the  im- 
portation of  the  Chinaman.  His  exclusion  from  these  islands  was  a 
diplomatic  blunder  comparable  only  with  our  treatment  of  the  Japanese 
and  Chinese  on  our  Pacific  coast,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Sand-lot  orators, 
the  charlatan  politicians,  and  the  yellow  journalism  of  California.  When  I 
was  last  in  the  Philippines  there  were  about  one  hundred  thousand  Chinese 
there,  who  formed  by  far  the  most  industrious  class  of  the  inhabitants. 
The  Chinese  mestizo  (half  Chinese  and  half  Filipino),  is  acknowledged 
to  be  superior  to  the  Eurasian,  or  mestizo  of  Occidental  cross — as  well 
as  to  the  Hindu  or  Bornean.  Many  of  them  were  wealthy  bankers  or 
merchants.  Others  were  engaged  as  compradors  or  clerks,  on  account 
of  their  quick  wit,  sterling  honesty,  industry  and  individual  merit.  As 
in  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  they  formed  the  most  valuable  element  of  the 
populaton.  The  Chinese-Hawaiian  half-caste  is  the  keenest  business 
man  and  the  most  industrious  citizen  to  be  found  in  those  islands.  The- 
exclusion  of  the  Chinese  laborer  from  the  Philippines  has  done  inesti- 
mable damage  by  retardng  industrial  and  commercial  development.  De- 
spite his  fanaticism  when  directed  by  ignorant  rulers,  he  has  shown  his 
superiority  over  other  Orientals  in  his  untiring  industry,  his  domesticity 
and  his  honesty.  When  put  in  competition  with  the  Bornean,  the  Fili- 
pino, the  Cingalese,  the  Hawaiian,  or  the  Hindu,  he  invariably  wins,  as 
may  be  seen  by  his  rise  from  poverty  to  wealth  and  influence  in  the 
cities  of  Singapore,  Calcutta,  Sandakan,  Manila  and  Honolulu.  It  is  time 
America  recognized  that,  in  the  great  race  of  civilization,  and  the  greater 
race  for  the  survival  of  the  fittest,  the  nation  that  has  preserved  the  integ- 
rity of  its  government  for  over  six  thousands  years,  that  has  witnessed 
the  rise  and  fall  of  the  civilizations  of  Chaldea,  Egypt,  Greece  and  Rome, 
that  can  claim  the  discovery  of  the  compass,  of  gunpowder,  the  game  of 
chess  and  the  printing-press,  and  that  gave  birth  to  that  great  philosopher 
who,  five  hundred  years  before  the  coming  of  Christ,  propounded  and 
exemplified  the  doctrine : “Do  not  do  unto  others  what  you  would  not 
have  others  do  unto  you,”  is  more  to  be  feared  for  its  virtues  than  for 
its  vices.  The  presence  of  the  Chinaman  in  the  Philippines  — with  the 
substitution  of  his  characteristics  of  honesty,  domesticity  and  industry, 
for  the  dishonesty,  laziness  and  treachery  of  the  Filipino— will  do  more 
to  promote  the  industrial  development  and  the  civilization  of  these  is- 
lands than  any  other  factor,  and  the  sooner  America  appreciates  this  fact 
and  acts  upon  it,  the  more  prompt  will  be  our  relief  from  our  present 
embarrassing  position  To  desert  them  now  under  the  travesty  of  lib- 
erty, or  justice,  would  be  a monumental  and  hypocritical  crime. 

LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN, 

M.D.,  L.L.B.,  A.B.,  F.R.G.S. 


247  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York. 


/0/t y * 


THE  HOPE  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES* 


BY  MAJOR  LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN,  LATE  SURGEON  UNITED 
STATES  VOLUNTEERS 


As  colonizers,  in  the  practical  acceptation  of  the  word,  Americans  are 
not  and  never  can  be  successful,  because  of  the  excessive  idealism  of  their 
aspirations.  Despite  the  general  belief  that  the  acquisition  of  the  Al- 
mighty Dollar  is  the  height  of  our  ambition  as  a people,  the  aims  of  all 
American  military  expeditions,  throughout  our  entire  history,  have  been 
absolutely  altruistic— always  for  the  elevation  of  the  downtrodden  or 
the  relief  of  the  victims  of  tyranny.  We  have  constantly  endeavored 
to  create  self-respecting,  self-supporting  citizens,  capable  of  appreciating 
liberty  and  of  intelligently  exercising  that  greatest  of  all  blessings,  self- 
government. 

Can  history  furnish  a parallel  to  America’s  disinterested  emancipation 
of  Cuba  from  Spain?  It  involved  a war  with  a European  Power,  the 
loss  of  the  lives  of  thousands  of  her  free-born  citizens,  and  the  expendi- 
ture, with  unexampled  prodigality,  of  a round  billion  from  her  treas- 
ury. Then,  after  stamping  out  tyranny,  she  completed  the  conquest  by 
putting  the  island  in  sanitary  condition  and  transferring  it  to  a liberated 
people,  giving  them  their  lands,  their  cities  and  their  homes,  together 
with  a promise  of  protection  from  other  Powers  through  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  without  saddling  the  country  with  a financial  claim  of  indem- 
nity for  a single  cent.  Would  this  have  been  the  policy  of  the  other 
great  colonizing  countries  of  the  world?  The  recent  action  of  the  so- 
called  “Powers”  in  Africa  does  not  tend  to  indicate  that  it  would.  Since 
the  wonderful  discoveries  of  Livingstone,  which  so  greatly  stimulated 
the  world’s  appreciation  of  the  possibilities  of  that  continent,  there  has 
been  going  on  in  that  vast  domain  a carnival  of  territorial  lust  unpre- 
cedented in  history.  It  culminated  some  thirty  years  ago  in  the  so- 
called  partitioning  of  the  continent  by  the  Powers,  who,  in  their  division 
of  the  spoils,  followed,  like  the  robber  barons  of  feudal  times, 

“The  good  old  rule,  the  simple  plan. 

That  they  should  take  who  have  the  power, 

And  they  should  keep  who  can.” 


*In  view  of  the  attitude  of  the  Administration  on  the  Philippine  and 
Mexican  problems,  the  following  extracts  from  an  article  in  the  North  Ameri- 
can Review  are  reprinted  at  the  request  of  numerous  friends. 


And  what  has  been  done  there  in  the  name  of  civilization  to  justify 
this  robbery  of  a continent?  Very  little,  beyond  the  systematized  col- 
lection of  taxes  so  onerous  as  to  practically  reduce  the  natives  to  abject 
servitude. 

A similar  spoliation,  on  a somewhat  smaller  scale,  would  have  oc- 
curred in  the  Celestial  Empire  after  the  Boxer  war  had  not  the  diplomacy 
of  Europe  been  defeated  there.  The  allied  armies  of  eight  nations  were 
there  waiting,  watching  each  other  like  hungry  buzzards,  for  the  final 
dissolution  of  the  sick  man  of  the  Far  East,  when  they  thought  another 
opportunity  would  offer  for  an  extension  of  their  territorial  spheres.  But 
the  humane  and  enlightened  policy  of  Mr.  Hay,  demanding  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  integrity  of  China  and  the  maintenance  of  the  open  door, 
was  successful,  and  the  people  of  that  unhappy  land  were  rescued  from 
the  fate  of  the  helpless,  and  almost  hopeless,  Africans  of  to-day.  And 
let  it  never  be  forgotten  they  were  rescued  by  America. 

On  the  occasion  of  a second  and  recent  outbreak  in  Cuba,  when  in- 
ternal dissensions  disturbed  the  peace  and  order  of  that  country  and 
necessitated  its  occupation  by  an  army  of  intervention,  America  did  not 
take  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  seize  that  gem  of  the  Antilles  to 
make  it  a tributary  to  her  treasury. 

Nor  did  we  seek  the  Philippines  for  territorial  aggrandizement.  They 
fell  to  us  as  the  unexpected,  but  legitimate,  result  of  war,  and  when  they 
were  definitely  ceded  to  us  by  treaty  we  paid  for  them  with  clean  Ameri- 
can gold.  Twice  I have  visited  these  islands,  once  as  an  active  participant 
in  the  wretched  war  that  began  in  1898  and  which  is  likely  to  continue 
intermittingly  for  centuries — if  the  testimony  of  almost  every  army  offi- 
cer who  has  served  there  can  be  accepted — if  we  remain  there  so  long. 
But  since  our  occupation  of  the  archipelago,  the  real  motive  of  America 
in  administering  its  affairs  has  been  absolutely  unselfish.  Of  the  hun- 
dreds of  millions  sunk  in  that  region  of  treachery  and  savagery  it  is 
doubtful  whether  America  will  ever  reap  the  benefit  of  so  much  as  the 
price  of  the  homeward  passage  for  its  army. 

Was  it  as  a stepping-stone  for  the  trade  of  the  Orient  that  we  re- 
tained possession  of  the  Philippines?  The  oldest  and  most  respected 
American  merchant  in  China,  one  who  has  spent  forty  years  in  the  Orient 
and  has  represented  his  Government  in  various  important  capacities, 
said  to  me  while  discussing  this  point : 

“As  well  might  America  regard  the  Bermudas  or  the  Canary  Isles 
as  stepping-stones  for  the  English,  French  or  German  trade  of  Europe, 
as  require  the  Philippines  for  the  advancement  of  trade  in  the  East.  In- 
stead of  a help  they  are  a direct  menace,  requiring  protection  and  pro- 
voking international  jealousies ; and,  in  case  of  war,  they  would  be  a con- 
stant source  of  the  gravest  danger  because  of  their  great  distance  from 
our  base.” 

Is  it  for  the  financial  advantage  of  the  United  States  that  our  thou- 
sand school-teachers  are  now  drawing  salaries  in  the  attempt  to  educate 


these  semi-savage,  deceitful  Malays,  tainted  with  Spanish  cross,  who  for 
centuries  will  be  unable  to  eradicate  the  treacherous  and  cowardly  in- 
stincts of  their  race?  “By  the  same  path  must  ye  walk”  is  as  true  to- 
day as  it  was  two  thousand  years  ago.  The  continuity  of  history  cannot 
be  broken ; a people  cannot  break  with  its  past ; immemorial  heredity 
must  be  remembered.  To  suppose  that  from  the  low-bred  Filipino  there 
could  be  evolved  in  a single  generation  one  worthy  or  competent  to  ex- 
ercise self-government,  is  to  ignore  every  law  of  anthropology  and  natural 
selection,  and  to  indulge  in  the  wildest  optimism.  Is  it  possible  to  be- 
lieve that  such  a creature,  the  natural  product  of  his  tropical  environment 
— whose  evolution  has  taken  ages  in  the  development  of  the  instincts 
of  cunning  and  treachery,  the  characteristics  and  qualities  that  have  en- 
abled him  to  preserve  his  existence  in  the  land  of  the  tiger  and  the  viper 
— could  be  suddenly  translated  into  a self-governing  citizen  ? The  Anglo- 
Saxon  of  temperate  clime  has  required  many  centuries  of  natural  selec- 
tion to  evolve  from  his  savagery.  As  the  cave-man,  he  too  was  full  of 
ferocity,  guarding  his  home  and  his  family  with  his  life.  Evolving  from 
the  dark  ages  through  feudal  days  assisted  by  the  teaching  and  traditions 
of  the  Church,  the  example  of  Greece  and  Rome  and  the  Free  Cities  of 
Europe,  profiting  by  the  lessons  of  the  Reformation,  the  influence  of  the 
thought  of  great  leaders,  by  long  wars  for  the  vindication  of  right,  by 
Magna  Charta,  the  printing-press,  the  drama,  the  French  Revolution,  and 
our  own  Revolution ; through  all  these  things  he  gradually  developed 
from  ignorance  and  superstition  into  a thinking,  self-governing  man.  But 
in  this  development  it  required  a thousand  years  to  free  him  from  his 
ignorance  and  moral  serfdom,  and  to  prepare  him  to  rule  himself.  Is 
the  African  or  Malay  savage  so  infinitely  the  intellectual  and  moral  su- 
perior of  the  Caucasian,  that  he  can  emerge  from  his  savagery  into  this 
sphere  of  civilization,  and  attain  this  rich  inheritance,  in  a single  decade  ? 
Is  this  self-governing  ability  (which  is  not  yet  overdeveloped  among  our- 
selves, as  the  resident  of  any  great  American  city  must  confess)  to  be 
hypodermically  injected  in  concentrated  essence  into  the  ignorant,  treach- 
erous, low-bred  Filipino,  by  bullets,  or  prayer-books,  or  school-houses, 
in  a generation,  so  as  to  qualify  him  for  beneficent  assimilation?  The 
suggestion  is  preposterous. 

I believe  the  most  practical  solution  of  the  Philippine  problem— -if 
the  American  people  are  foolish  enough  to  continue  their  extravagant 
experiment  there,  or  if  we  are  not  relieved  of  the  responsibility  of  the 
islands  by  neutralizing  them,  or  through  some  foreign  complication— 
is  to  allow  them  to  follow  the  course  of  natural  selection  through  the 
importation  of  the  Chinaman.  His  exclusion  from  these  islands  was  a 
diplomatic  blunder,  comparable  only  with  the  treatment  of  the  Orientals 
on  our  Pacific  coast  at  the  instigation  of  the  Sand-lot  orators,  the  char- 
latan politicians,  and  the  yellow  journalism  of  California.  When  I was 
last  in  the  Philippines  there  were  about  one  hundred  thousand  Chinese 
there,  who  formed  by  far  the  most  industrious  class  of  the  inhabitants. 


The  Chinese  mestizo  (half  Chinese  and  half  Filipino)  is  acknowledged  to 
be  superior  to  the  Eurasian,  or  mestizo  of  Occidental  cross — as  well  as 
to  the  Hindu  or  Bornean.  Many  of  them  were  wealthy  bankers  or  mer- 
chants. Others  were  engaged  as  compradors  or  clerks,  banking-houses 
employing  them  almost  to  the  exclusion  of  other  nationalities  on  account 
of  their  quick  wit,  sterling  honesty,  industry,  and  individual  merit.  As 
in  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  they  formed  the  most  valuable  element  of  the 
population.  The  Chinese-FIawaiian  half-caste  is  the  keenest  business  man 
and  the  most  industrious  citizen  to  be  found  in  those  islands.  The  ex- 
clusion of  the  Chinese  laborer  from  the  Philippines  will  do  inestimable 
damage  by  retarding  industrial  and  commercial  development.  Despite 
his  fanaticism  when  directed  by  ignorant  rulers,  he  has  shown  his  su- 
periority over  other  Orientals  in  his  untiring  industry,  his  domesticity 
and  his  honesty.  In  the  large  foreign  hongs,  or  business  houses,  of  China 
he  is  the  trusted  employee  in  places  requiring  responsibility.  When  put 
in  competition  with  the  Bornean,  the  Filipino,  the  Cingalese,  the  Ha- 
waiian, or  the  Hindu,  he  invariably  wins,  as  may  be  seen  by  his  rise  from 
poverty  to  wealth  and  influence  in  the  cities  of  Singapore,  Calcutta,  San- 
dakan,  Manila,  and  Honolulu.  It  is  time  America  recognized  that,  in 
the  great  race  of  civilization,  and  the  greater  race  for  the  survival  of  the 
fittest,  the  nation  that  has  preserved  the  integrity  of  its  government  for 
over  six  thousand  years,  that  has  witnessed  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  civ- 
ilizations of  Chaldea,  Egypt,  Greece  and  Rome,  that  can  claim  the  dis- 
covery of  the  compass,  of  gunpowder,  the  game  of  chess,  and  the  print- 
ing-press, and  that  gave  birth  to  that  great  philosopher  who,  five  hundred 
years  before  the  coming  of  Christ,  propounded  and  exemplified  the  doc- 
trine, Do  not  do  unto  others  what  you  would  not  have  others  do  unto  you, 
is  more  to  be  feared  for  its  virtues  than  for  its  vices.  The  presence  of 
the  Chinaman  in  the  Philippines — with  the  substitution  of  his  character- 
istics of  honesty,  domesticity  and  industry,  for  the  dishonesty,  laziness 
and  treachery  of  the  Filipino — will  do  more  to  promote  the  industrial 
development  and  the  civilization  of  these  islands  than  any  other  factor, 
and  the  sooner  America  appreciates  this  fact  and  acts  upon  it,  the  more 
prompt  will  be  her  relief  from  her  present  embarrassing  position. 

Uncle  Sam  has  paid,  and  is  paying  dearly,  for  his  experiment  and 
the  privilege  of  protecting  the  trade  of  his  distant  possessions  for  the 
benefit  of  England,  Germany  and  other  nations.  Some  day  he  will  tire 
of  the  constant  drain  on  his  treasury  and  his  army,  and  remove  these 
islands  from  the  arena  of  politics,  and  the  natural  law  of  evolution  will 
prevail — and  many  there  are  who  will  welcome  the  coming  of  that  day. 


Louis  Livingston  Seaman,  M.D.,  LL.B.,  A.B.,  F.R.G.S. 

Query: — Are  we  to  benefit  by  our  wretched  experiences  in  the 
Philippines,  or  are  we  to  blunder  into  another  political  quagmire  in 
Mexico  so  the  sun  may  never  set  on  our  troubles  ? 


AN  APPEAL 


TO 

THE  PATRIOTIC 


WOMEN 


OF  AMERICA 


AN  APPEAL 


TO  THE 

PATRIOTIC  WOMEN  OF  AMERICA. 


Six  Reasons  Why  the  Soldiers’  Club  or  Canteen  Should  be 
Restored  in  the  United  States  Army. 


First:  Because  it  was  an  institution  where  soldiers  could 
pass  their  leisure  in  wholesome  surroundings  under  military  dis- 
cipline, where  whisky  was  never  sold,  and  intemperance  never 
tolerated ; where  relief  could  be  found  by  the  men  from  monotony 
of  Post  life,  and  as  a glass  of  beer  and  sandwiches  could  be  pur- 
chased, the  craving  for  stronger  drink  was  satisfied,  so  that  many 
men,  who  before  enlistment  were  hard  drinkers,  became  through 
this  discipline  temperate. 

Second:  Because  its  abolition  has  proved  a failure,  as  shown 
by  statistics.  Instead  of  reducing  intemperance  the  present  law 
has  increased  drunkenness,  immorality,  insubordination  and  de- 
sertion. 

In  the  first  year  of  the  establishment  of  the  Canteen  at  Fort  Custer, 
the  number  of  enlisted  men  confined  in  the  Guard  House  for  offenses 
following  overindulgence  in  drink  was  reduced  over  70  per  cent. 

Third:  Because  its  absence  has  driven  the  soldier  to  seek 
recreation  outside  the  limits  of  camp — in  those  curses  of  the 
army,  the  rum  shops  and  brothels  that  are  found  near  every  Post 
and  that  flourish  on  the  earnings  and  weaknesses  of  the  enlisted 
men.  Crime  and  debauchery  thrive  in  these  dives  where  the 
soldier,  led  by  his  innate  craving  for  drink  or  amusement  is  the 
victim.  The  establishment  of  the  Canteen  did  away  with  these 
disgraceful  resorts.  Since  its  abolition,  they  have  reappeared 
and  were  never  so  flourishing  as  to-day. 

Fourth:  Because  its  re-establishment  will  reduce  the  shock- 
ing prevalence  of  venereal  disease — the  greatest  menace  the  Army 
faces  to-day.  The  appalling  increase  of  this  disease  has  been  in 
almost  constant  ratio  since  the  abolition  of  the  Canteen,  as  I know 
from  personal  observation  in  the  U.  S.  military  hospitals  in  Porto 
Rico  and  Cuba  during  and  since  the  Spanish- American  War,  in 
China  during  the  Boxer  War,  in  the  Philippines  and  in  our  mili- 
tary hospitals  at  home.  In  1910  there  was  14,640  hospital  admis- 
sions from  the  cause  alone,  nearly  20  per  cent.,  or  one-fifth,  the 
total  strength  of  the  army,  equal  to  fifteen  regiments.  Some 
years  ago  I presented  this  subject  before  the  Association  of  Mili- 


tary  Surgeons  of  the  United  States,  and  after  a free  discussion 
submitted  the  following  preamble  and  resolution  which  were 
unanimously  adopted : 

“Whereas,  the  Association  of  Military  Surgeons  of  the  United 
States  now  in  session  recognizes  that  the  abolition  of  the  Army  Post 
Exchange,  or  Canteen,  has  resulted,  and  must  inevitably  result,  in 
an  increase  of  intemperance,  insubordination,  discontent,  desertion 
and  disease  in  the  Army;  therefore,  be  it 

“Resolved,  That  this  body  deplores  the  action  of  Congress  in  abol- 
ishing the  said  Post  Exchange  or  Canteen,  and,  in  the  interests  of 
sanitation,  morality  and  discipline,  recommends  its  re-establishment 
at  the  earliest  possible  date.” 

Later  I submitted  this  same  resolution  before  the  American 
Medical  Association  representing  80,000  leading  medical  men  of 
this  country.  Also  before  the  American  Public  Health  Associa- 
tion— at  various  reunions  of  army  veterans,  before  the  New  York 
Academy  of  Medicine,  the  New  York  State  Medical  Society  and 
the  American  Society  for  Social  and  Moral  Prophylaxis,  all  of 
which  societies  or  associations  adopted  it  with  equal  unanimity. 

Fifth:  Because  those  best  qualified  to  render  fair  judgment 
on  this  subject,  the  Medical  and  Line  Officers  of  the  Army,  the 
members  of  the  Associations  just  named,  the  wives  of  officers 
and  enlisted  men,  who,  in  foreign  stations  or  remote  outposts  are 
often  called  upon  to  face  dangers  of  which  the  civilian  has  no 
appreciation — indeed,  all  who  have  the  honor  of  the  Army  at 
heart,  stand  as  a unit  for  the  repeal  of  the  present  act  and  the 
restoration  of  the  Canteen. 

Sixth  : Because  the  chief  financial  supporters  of  the  present 
law  are  the  whisky  dealers  whose  interests  are  enormously  bene- 
fited through  its  enforcement. 

A bill  for  the  repeal  of  the  Anti-Canteen  Law  is  now  before 
Congress— introduced  by  the  Honorable  Richard  Bartholdt.  And 
I appeal  to  each  and  every  woman  who  honors  her  country  and 
its  defenders  to  request  the  member  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives and  the  Senator  representing  the  District  in  which  she 
resides,  to  use  his  influence  for  the  passage  of  this  measure.  Such 
action  would  replace  the  responsibility  for  the  morale  and  disci- 
pline of  the  Army  in  the  hands  of  those  properly  delegated  to 
administer  its  affairs.  And  Congress  would  thereby  right  a seri- 
ous wrong,  and  to  some  extent,  restore  its  own  dignity  which  has 
so  yielded  to  the  clamor  of  ignorant  fanaticism,  for  in  the 
killing  of  a mouse,  they  resurrected  a monster. 

Major  Louis  L.  Seaman,  M.D.,  LL.B.,  A.  B.,  F.  R.G.  S , 

Late  Surgeon  U.  S.  V.  E. 


/ &/f  zji  ? _ • 

<£>  / 


Tie  Crucifixion  of  Belgium. 


AN  ADDRESS  ON 

Germanys  Deportation  of  the  Innocent 
People  of  Belgium  and  Northern  France. 


BY 

Major  Louis  Livingston  Seaman,  U.  S.  V. 

AT 

Tie  Clurcl  of  St.  Join  tie  Evangilist, 
Prodestant  Episcopal 

Rev.  John  A.  Wade,  Rector 
and  protest  of 

Tie  American  Riglts  League. 

Geo.  Haven  Putnam,  Pres. 


The  Crucifixion  of  Belgium. 

The  wholesale  deportation  by  Germany  of  the  innocent  people 
of  Belgium  constitutes  a state  of  international  lawlessness  unsur- 
passed since  the  abolition  of  the  piratical  slave  raids  in  the 
jungles  of  Africa.  It  may  justly  be  placed  on  a par  with  that 
practice,  when  we  consider  the  teachings  of  the  high  priests  of 
Germany,  Treitschke,  Nietzsche  and  Bernhardi,  whose  philosophy 
has  instilled  into  the  hearts  of  the  nation  the  belief  that  war  is 
legitmate,  and  good  business.  In  the  estimation  of  many  think- 
ing people,  the  present  tragedy  of  Europe  is  the  most  logical  war 
in  history;  for  it  is  simply  carrying  out  the  doctrine  instilled  into 
the  people  of  Germany  for  the  last  half  century — a doctrine  that 
justifies  the  commission  of  all  kinds  of  brutality,  in  order  to  ac- 
complish its  end. 

Nations  in  their  development  from  barbarism  to  civilization, 
have  established  laws  and  courts,  where  murder,  assassination,  ar- 
son, rape,  robbery  and  other  crimes  are  summarily  dealt  with: — 
but  with  the  sacreligious  and  blasphemous  self-styled  represent- 
ative of  the  Almighty,  who  now  rules  Germany,  these  laws  are 
trampled  under  foot  as  having  no  significance.  “German  atroci- 
ties, ruthless  murders  and  bitter  wrongs  against  humanity  have 
transformed  her  into  a monster.  So  that  the  present  war  is  not  a 
war  between  nations,  but  a death  struggle  between  civilization  and 
barbarism,  between  men  and  beasts. 

I have  just  returned  from  France  where  I found  her  people 
thinking  of  the  atrocities  and  the  crimes  and  horrors  of  the  Ger- 
man invasion.  France  is  fighting,  “not  a nation,  but  an  idea — the 
idea  of  militarism  and  beastiality  and  brutality,  expressed  in  the 
action  of  the  Germans.” 

I recently  visited  Belgium,  whose  civilians  in  the  conquered 
parts  of  the  country,  are  being  separated  from  their  families  and 
deported  into  slavery  in  Germany,  and  yet,  scarcely  a word  of 
protest  has  been  made  by  our  safety  first  and  honor  last  executive 
against  these  monstrous  acts  of  inhumanity. 

The  German  slave-driver,  Gen.  von  Bissing,  is  carrying  out 
the  policy  of  his  Ruler,  sending  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Belgium 
civilians  from  their  homes  and  their  families  and  forcing  them  into 
exile  and  slavery  in  Germany.  Cardinal  Mercier  states  that 
“soldiers  enter  homes  by  force,  tearing  youth  from  parent,  hus- 
band from  wife,  father  from  children.  They  bar  with  the  bayonet 
the  door  through  which  wives  and  mothers  wish  to  pass  to  say  fare- 
well to  those  departing.  They  herd  their  captives  in  groups  of 
tens  and  twenties  and  push  them  into  cars.  As  soon  as  the  train 
is  filled  the  Officer  in  charge  waves  the  signal  for  departure.  Thus 
thousands  of  Belgians  are  reduced  to  slavery.  Each  deported 
workman  on  arrival  in  Germany,  releases  a soldier  for  the  German 
army.” 

One  great  reason  the  war  continues  is  the  fact  that  “the 
Nations  fighting  Germany  do  not  think  primarily  of  Germany  as 
a nation,  but  they  regard  Germans  as  a tribe,  which  practices  the 
abominations  which  have  made  the  fate  of  Belgium,  a world-wide 
tragedy.  Peace  is  no  nearer,  notwithstanding  the  oceans  of  blood 
that  has  been  shed  and  the  millions  that  have  suffered,  because 

2 


no  peace  under  these  conditions  is  possible.  Such  practices  must 
perish  or  civilization  must  perish.  There  can  be  no  peace  while 
Germany  remains  the  exponent  of  principles  that  means  the  de- 
struction of  civilization  as  exemplified  by  her  treatment  and  tor- 
ture of  Belgium  today. 

The  unlawful  brutalities  of  Germany,  however,  need  cause  no 
surprise  to  those  who  are  familiar  with  its  military  history  for  the 
last  fifty  years.  Some  of  you  may  recall  the  statement  Bismarck 
made  to  his  troops  when  they  left  Berlin  for  their  conquest  of 
France,  in  1870.  In  an  address  to  them  before  their  departure,  he 
said,  “Leave  to  the  peoples  who  you  conquer,  naught  but  their  eyes 
with  which  to  see,  and  to  weep,”  and  that  is  the  policy  they  are  now 
enacting  in  Belgium. 

The  German  nation  regards  with  great  pride  the  so-called 
ceremonial  of  the  baptism  of  fire  for  its  army. 

There  have  been  but  two  occasions  between  the  War  of  1870 
and  the  present  one,  in  which  the  German  troops  have  experienced 
this  ceremony,  and  it  was  my  fortune,  or  misfortune,  to  be  pres- 
ent on  both  these  occasions. 

One  was  in  1900,  in  the  so-called  Boxer  War,  when  the  allied 
armies  of  the  world  crucified  Christianity  in  China,  in  their  mon- 
strous treatment  of  the  Chinese,  who,  in  their  misguided  judgment 
, were  merely  trying  to  save  their  country  from  vivisection  by  the 
vultures  of  Europe. 

In  an  address  which  the  Emperor  of  Germany  delivered  to  his 
troops  on  their  departure  for  that  expedition,  he  told  them  to“be- 
have  like  Huns,”  and  their  record  of  murder  and  devastation  in 
that  country  has  left  a blot  on  their  escutcheon  which  will  never  be 
erased.  Their  army  arrived  in  Pekin  several  months  after  the 
so-called  war  was  over,  but  they  at  once  began  a system  of  puni- 
tive expeditions  on  the  helpless  Chinese,  among  whom  there  was 
no  more  fight  than  in  a warren  of  rabbits,  and  continued  it  for 
months,  committing  crimes  of  murder,  rape  and  looting  that  would 
shame  the  record  of  Attila. 

The  other  occasion  occurred  in  German  Africa,  when  I also 
chanced  to  be  present.  The  Hereros,  one  of  the  finest  native  tribes 
of  that  country,  had  protested  against  the  monstrous  hut  tax  which 
the  Colonial  Government  had  imposed  upon  them.  That  Govern- 
ment had  robbed  them  of  their  land  and  prevented  them  shooting 
the  game.  It  had  restricted  them  from  all  the  privileges  they 
had  enjoyed  for  immemorial  ages,  and  imposed  upon  them  a tax  so 
large  that  it  required  the  wage  of  half  a year’s  work  in  the  cotton 
fields,  or  in  the  making  of  the  roads,  for  which  they  received  about 
a penny  a day,  to  accumulate  enough  to  pay  the  tax. 

The  natives  protested  against  this  payment  and  other  cruel- 
ties and  restrictions,  and  attempted  to  create  a rebellion.  On 
learning  this,  the  German  authorities  promptly  arrested  all  the 
leading  men  of  the  tribe,  the  Chiefs,  the  medicine  men,  the  priests 
and  the  heads  of  families  of  the  section  of  the  tribe  where  this 
massacre  occurred,  and  held  them  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the 
Colonial  Governor.  He  was  a fellow  passenger  with  me,  on  a 
steamer  running  down  the  African  Coast,  and  when  we  reached 
the  place  at  about  eight  o’clock  in  the  morning,  the  situation  was 
immediately  placed  before  him.  In  less  than  an  hour,  two  hundred 
and  eight  of  these  representative  natives,  the  most  influential  and 

3 

■ 


powerful  of  the  tribe,  were  brought  from  the  prison  and  hung  to 
the  limbs  of  the  mango  trees  in  the  village.  The  priests  and  medi- 
cine men  had  told  the  natives  that  they  need  not  fear  the  effect  of 
the  German  guns,  as  they  shot  only  water.  To  prove  that  this  was 
not  true  and  to  instill  terror  among  the  remaining  inhabitants,  the 
wives,  the  children  and  the  parents  of  the  condemned  men — in- 
deed, all  the  inhabitants  of  the  village, — were  invited  down  to  the 
mango  trees  where  their  husbands  and  fathers  had  been  hung,  and 
a detachment  of  German  soldiers  was  ordered  to  fire  upon  the  sus- 
pended bodies  until  they  were  literally  blown  to  pieces,  so  it  is 
not  surprising  to  me  to  see  the  same  monstrous  policy  developed 
in  Belgium,  where  the  methods  seem  to  be  naught  but  to  terrorize 
and  to  exterminate. 

How  long,  oh  Lord,  how  long,  will  America  stand  by  and  see 
these  crimes  committed  without  a protest,  so  vigorous  as  to  com- 
pel their  cessation.  As  a veteran  or  observer,  I have  been  in 
nine  wars,  in  almost  every  section  of  the  civilized  and  uncivilized 
world,  from  the  Moros  of  the  Philippines  to  the  jungles  of  Africa, 
but  it  has  been  reserved  for  this  war  to  furnish  cruelties  and 
barbarities  which  surpass  anything  I have  witnessed  elsewhere, 
and  prove  that  civilization  is  a failure,  unless  the  nations  who 
are  free  from  the  direct  sufferings  of  the  war,  will  protest  with 
sufficient  vigor  to  compel  some  regard  for  international  law  and 
for  the  salvation  of  humanity. 

On  August  28,  1914,  when  the  recrudescence  of  barbarism, 
now  devastating  Europe,  had  shocked  the  civilized  world,  I sent 
the  following  cablegram  from  Antwerp  to  President  Wilson.  It 
had  the  endorsement  of  the  Belgian  Military  authorities,  and  every 
word  in  it  has  since  been  verified  by  Viscount  Bryce,  in  his  report 
to  Parliament.  It  is  as  follows: 


“Antwerp,  August  28,  1914. 


“My  dear  Mr.  President: 

“Unless  the  barbarism  of  the  German  Kaiser  ceases,  the  civ- 
ilization of  Europe  will  be  set  back  a century.  The  rules  of  The 
Hague  Tribunal  have  been  grossly  ignored.  Innocent  women  and 
children  have  been  bayoneted.  Old  men  and  non-combatants  have 
been  shot.  The  white  flag  and  red  cross  ambulances  have  been 
fired  upon.  A Belgian  Red  Cross  officer  was  shot  while  assisting 
at  the  burial  of  a dead  German.  Villages  of  non-combatants  have 
been  burned  and  historic  monuments  desecrated.  Churches  have 
been  sacked  and  hostages  murdered.  This  morning,  bombs 
dropped  from  a Zeppelin  in  an  attempt  to  assassinate  the  royal 
family,  killed  eleven  citizens  and  desperately  wounded  many  more. 
This  is  not  war,  but  murder.  As  Vice-President  of  the  Peace 
and  Arbitration  League  of  the  United  States,  I implore  you  in 
the  name  of  humanity  and  justice,  to  back  American  protest  so 
vigorously  that  German  vandalism  must  cease,  and  the  future 
disarmament  of  Europe  made  possible. 

Respectfully  yours, 

Louis  L.  Seaman. 


4 


Mr.  Wilson  at  that  time  had  every  opportunity  to  prove  the 
truth  of  my  report,  but  it  was  disregarded,  and  he  failed  to  pro- 
test against  the  greatest  crime  of  history — the  monstrous  infringe- 
ment on  International  Law,  and  the  fundamental  rights  of  human- 
ity. Had  he  then  protested  in  the  name  of  The  Hague  Tribunal, 
and  civilization — and  made  immediate  preparations  to  enforce 
his  protest,  his  name  would  have  gone  down  to  history  coupled 
with  that  of  Washington  and  Lincoln.  Instead,  it  is  more  likely  to 
be  coupled  with  that  of  Dr.  Jekyll  and  Mr.  Hyde.  There  would 
have  been  no  Lusitania  and  Arabic  murders  to  commemorate, 
and  no  Belgian  deportations  to  shock  the  world,  and  America  would 
have  maintained  the  ideals,  for  which,  your  forbears  and  mine 
since  the  days  of  Magna  Charta,  were  not  too  proud  to  fight. 

Some  day  the  murderous  cataclysm  now  raging  in  Europe 
will  cease,  and  what  will  be  the  conditions  existing  then?  It  will 
find  most  of  the  Continental  Nations  hopelessly  wrecked  finan- 
cially, and  saddled  with  debts,  many  of  which  will  never  be  liqui- 
dated. It  will  find  America  prosperous  and  in  possession  of  wealth 
beyond  the  dreams  of  avarice,  but  without  a friend  in  the  world. 

It  will  find  Europe,  jealous  of  our  prosperity  and  envious  of  our 
riches.  Prosperity  without  protection  is  a peril.  Envy  and  jeal- 
ousy are  the  most  fruitful  causes  of  war.  Unless  we  are  prepared 
to  resist  unjust  demands,  war  will  undoubtedly  follow.  Congress 
and  the  President  have  already  wasted  most  valuable  time  in 
failing  to  make  adequate  preparation  for  the  preservation  of  our 
Peace.  Unless  this  is  done,  and  done  immediately,  our  country  will 
certainly  receive  the  treatment  it  will  deserve — vivisection,  with  but 
little  sympathy  for  the  patient  under  the  scalpel.  You  may  remem- 
ber Bismarck’s  significant  reply  when  asked  what  he  thought  of 
America.  “America,”  said  he,  “is  a fine  fat  hog;  and  when  we’re 
ready,  we  will  stick  it.” 

While  in  the  hospital  at  La  Panne  with  Surgeon  General  de 
Page,  a few  weeks  ago,  I was  invited  to  a private  audience  with 
H.  M.  Queen  Elizabeth,  Belgium’s  noble  queen.  She  spoke  in  keen- 
est praise  of  America’s  generosity  to  her  people,  who,  but  for  this 
wonderful  assistance,  would  have  perished  from  the  earth, — and 
of  the  deep  obligation  of  her  suffering  country  to  our  land.  She 
is  a rare  jewel  without  the  setting,  proving  the  royal  character 
without  its  pageantry,  a fitting  mate  for  the  king  who  will  pass 
into  history  as  the  greatest  hero  of  this  monstrous  war.  She  is 
living  by  the  sea,  in  a villa  near  the  hospitals  which  she  visits  al- 
most daily  in  her  work  of  devotion,  and  her  soul  is  wrapped  in  the 
welfare  of  her  suffering  people  and  her  desire  to  help  them. 

One  Sunday  evening,  we  dined  with  Madame  Henri  Carton 
De  Wiart,  wife  of  the  Belgian  Minister  of  Justice,  in  an  ancient 
castle  near  Havre,  given  to  her  by  the  French.  It  was  in  strange 
contrast  to  the  prison  for  criminals  in  Berlin,  where  for  three 
months  she  was  incarcerated  in  a cell  but  little  larger  than  her 
dining  table,  for  mailing  a copy  of  the  pastoral  letter  of  Cardi- 
nal Mercier,  who  is  now  himself,  a victim  of  German  tyranny. 

When  asked  by  the  tribunal  which  convicted  her,  whether  she  I 

had  sent  the  letter,  she  answered,  “Yes,  and  I am  ready  to  pay  the 
penalty.”  Our  Embassy,  and  that  of  Spain  intervened  on  her  be- 
half, but  when  our  Ambassador,  called  to  see  her,  the  interview 


5 


was  allowed  only  in  the  presence  of  a German  Officer.  When  asked 
regarding  her  food,  she  said  “I  had  not  known  these  dishes  before, 
but  I know  them  now.”  The  following  day  the  German  Officer 
visited  her  again,  and  said  “Madam,  you  will  be  allowed  the  privi- 
lege of  purchasing  your  own  food.”  She  answered,  “For  a privi- 
lege one  must  say  thank  you.  I cannot  say  thank  you  to  a German. 
You  say  I may  pay  for  my  food.  That  money  would  go  to  a Ger- 
man. I would  rather  starve  than  have  my  money  go  to  a German.” 
She  endured  her  imprisonment  to  the  end,  thus  typifying  again  the 
spirit  of  Belgium,  which  neither  shell  nor  torture  can  conquer. 

On  the  sea  shore,  near  the  hospital,  at  La  Panne,  stands  a rude 
little  chapel,  recently  erected.  It  is  known  as  the  Relic  Church, 
and  its  pulpit,  its  font,  and  its  altar,  were  rescued  from  the  wreck- 
age of  Nieuport  and  Ypres,  and  the  ruined  churches  of  Belgium. 
Many  sacred  pictures  of  rare  beauty  and  age  are  there,  and  ancient 
Crucifixes,  marred  and  scarred  by  the  enemies’  shells.  In  strange 
contrast,  in  one  corner  was  piled  a heap  of  brown  stone  cannon 
balls,  that  had  been  unearthed  by  the  soldiers  while  digging  the 
trenches  near  Nieuport  and  which  had  been  used  in  the  Battle  of 
the  Dunes,  centuries  before.  For  more  than  a thousand  years, 
Belgium  has  been  the  cockpit  of  Europe,  but  the  spirit  of  its  people 
is  still  unconquered. 

From  La  Panne,  we  visited  Havre,  the  present  seat  of  the  Bel- 
gian Government  where  we  met  several  of  the  Ministers  of  State 
and  were  told  of  the  work  already  inaugurated  for  the  restoration 
of  the  Belgian  People,  and  of  the  Colonies  of  Orphans  in  various 
centers  in  France  where  they  are  being  carefully  educated.  On 
a hill  overlooking  the  City,  Le  Comte  de  Renesse  Breidack  has 
built  an  Institution  that  reflects  the  spirit  of  Belgium  better  than 
words  can  picture.  Here,  the  human  wreckage  of  the  Army  is 
being  made  over,  into  self-supporting,  self-respecting  wage  earners 
in  various  trades,  in  an  atmosphere  of  self-content  and  happiness. 
Shops  for  various  industries  are  filled  with  legless  shoemakers 
and  tailors,  and  printers,  who  are  now  earning  a fair  competence. 
Basket  and  barrel  making,  metal-lathe  workers,  cooks  and  bakers, 
and  toy  makers  are  here,  and  many  peaceful  arts  are  being  taught 
to  artisans  who  are  lame  and  blind,  but  whose  indomitable  wills 
are  conquering  their  cruel  fate.  The  spirit  of  the  Count,  who  from 
wealth  and  power,  was  driven  to  poverty,  is  bringing  inspiration 
through  his  personality,  to  thousands  of  men — from  the  depths 
of  despair  to  contentment  and  self-support. 

When  in  London,  we  visited  St.  Dunstan’s,  memorialized  by 
Thackeray  in  Vanity  Fair,  but  now  a Home  for  the  blinded  soldiers 
and  sailors  of  Great  Britain,  of  which  Sir  Arthur  Pierson,  who  is 
also  blind,  is  the  Chairman. 

“This  place,”  said  he,  “is  the  happiest  house  in  London,  prob- 
ably in  the  world,  and  I’ll  tell  you  why : It  is  so  full  of  sympathy.” 

The  institution  typifies  the  moral  tone  and  spirit  of  all  the 
Allies  today — it  is  the  spirit  of  hope,  of  life,  of  victory.  “It  is  the 
spirit  of  our  ancestors,  of  ’76,  the  spirit  of  confidence,  of  success, 
of  the  irresistible  determination  to  rescue  freedom  and  civilization 
from  this  terrible  tragedy — the  spirit  of  Lincoln  at  Gettysburg 
when  he  prophesied  for  our  country  a government  of  the  people, 
by  the  people,  for  the  people,  which  shall  not  perish  from  the 
face  of  the  earth.” 


6 


The  aim  of  the  Allies  today  is  to  secure  for  themselves  that 
same  birth  of  freedom  as  was  pictured  by  Lincoln,  and  the  attain- 
ment of  that  purpose  affects  our  country  as  deeply  as  it  does  the 
Allies.  It  is  as  much  our  fight,  as  theirs,  for  the  predatory  ag- 
gression of  the  Hun  will  not  cease  at  the  Crucifixion  of  Belgium, 
or  the  three  mile  limit,  and  in  our  deplorable  state  of  helplessness, 
a state  that  resembles  that  of  China,  we  not  only  invite  war,  but 
also  defeat  and  vassalage. 

I am  a man  of  peace — the  vice-president  of  the  Peace  and 
Arbitration  League  of  America.  As  an  officer  or  observer,  I have 
participated  in  nine  wars,  and  Heaven  knows,  I want  to  see  no 
more!  But  until  the  end  of  this  piratical  conflict  in  which  the 
ideals  of  liberty  and  freedom  and  honor,  for  which  my  ancestors 
fought  and  died,  are  at  stake,  I am  heart  and  soul  with  the  Allies. 
The  traditional  friendship  between  the  Allies  and  America, 
strengthened  by  the  destruction  of  scraps  of  paper  formerly  called 
treaties,  would  have  been  only  a memory,  had  not  the  great  War 
Relief  societies  of  our  country  kept  it  alive;  and  it  is  to  them  and 
to  our  surgeons  and  hospitals  and  nurses,  our  splendid  ambu- 
lance corps  and  brave  avions,  and  not  to  the  weak-kneed,  vacillat- 
ing waiting  and  wabbling  policy  of  our  present  administration,  that 
we  are  indebted  for  the  preservation  what  remains  of  the  friendship 
and  the  entente  cordial  that  exists  between  our  countries  today. 

King  Albert  through  M.  Henri  Carton  de  Wiart,  his  Minister 
of  Justice,  and  M.  Louis  de  Sadeleer,  his  Minister  of  State,  now  in 
New  York,  asks  America,  in  this  crucial  moment,  to  compel  a 
regard  for  international  law  by  Germany,  and  thus  prevent  the 
further  deportation  and  enslavement  of  his  people.  Is  this  hu- 
mane and  righteous  request  of  Belgium’s  King  to  be  heard,  and 
Germany  be  made  to  respect  the  laws  of  honor  and  civilization 
regarded  as  sacred  by  all  other  nations: — or  is  the  world  to  re- 
lapse to  barbarism  and  the  savagery  of  the  Dark  Ages?  That  is 
the  question  America,  which  too  long  has  been  morally  asleep,  is 
now  expected  to  help  to  answer. 


A PETITION  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 
ON  BEHALF  OF  THE  BELGIANS  AND  OTHER 
PEOPLES  OPPRESSED  BY  THE  TEU- 
TONIC GOVERNMENTS. 

THE  AMERICAN  RIGHTS  LEAGUE 

Geo.  Haven  Putnam,  President. 

Whereas  Germany  has  shown  her  contempt  for  treaties  by  her 
unprovoked  invasion  of  Belgium  and  her  continued  violation  of 
the  rights  of  a small  but  highminded  people; 

Whereas  Germany,  in  Belgium  and  elsewhere,  has  rivived  the 
practices  of  barbaric  warfare  by  exacting  war  contributions  from 
conquered  cities,  by  shooting  non-combatants,  by  seizing  and  exe- 
cuting hostages,  killing  even  priests  for  no  greater  crime  than  loy- 
alty to  their  country; 


7 


Whereas  Germany  has  permitted  her  troops  to  commit  un- 
speakable outrages ; 

Whereas  Germany  has  sunk  hospital  ships  and  fired  upon 
hospitals ; 

Whereas  Germany  has  destroyed  by  fire  and  has  bombarded 
unresisting  and  unfortified  towns  and  villages  and  has  sunk  with- 
out warning  passenger  and  merchant  vessels,  both  neutral  and  bel- 
ligerent, in  these  and  other  ways  killing  non-combatant  men  and 
even  women  and  children; 

Whereas  even  our  own  fellow  citizens  are  victims  of  these 
crimes ; 

Whereas  plots  against  the  peace  and  order  of  our  own  country 
have  been  hatched  by  German  agents;  and 

Whereas  now,  while  continuing  these  and  many  other  like  deeds 
too  numerous  to  catalogue,  Germany  is  deporting  peaceable  and 
law-abiding  Belgians  into  what  substantially  is  slavery  in  a foreign 
land,  obliging  them  to  aid  the  enemies  of  their  country ; and 

Whereas  Germany,  by  persisting  in  these  practices,  makes  her- 
self an  outlaw  among  nations ; 

Whereas,  moreover,  this  country  stands  and  has  always  stood 
for  the  rights  of  man  and  the  freedom  of  the  individual,  and  has 
supported  nations  resisting  oppression  or  struggling  for  liberty; 
and 

Whereas  it  is  vital  to  the  interests  of  this  nation  to  uphold 
the  rights  of  mankind  and  international  law; 

Notv  therefore,  we,  the  undersigned  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  pledge  our  support  to  the  President  in  any  steps  he  may 
take  in  the  effort  to  bring  about  a cessation  of  the  inhuman  treat- 
ment of  the  Belgians  and  the  people  of  Northern  France,  Poland, 
and  other  nationalities  oppressed  by  the  Germanic  powers; 

And  we  earnestly  pray  the  President  and  Congress  to  say  in 
clears  terms  to  Germany  and  to  Austria  that  the  people  of  the 
United  States  can  no  longer  remain  on  terms  of  comity,  even  merely 
official,  with  nations  which  persist  in  violating  not  only  interna- 
tional law,  but  the  ordinary  sentiments  of  humanity  which  have 
aways  been  respected  by  civilized  nations; 

And  we  urge  the  President  to  state  definitely  that,  unless  the 
Germanic  governments  agree  to  cease  at  once  the  deportations  of 
Belgians,  to  return  to  their  homes  those  already  deported,  and  to 
give  effective  assurances  that  international  law  and  the  dictates  of 
humanity  will  in  future  be  respected,  diplomatic  relations  with 
Germany  and  with  Austria  will  at  once  be  terminated. 

This  Petition  should  be  returned,  with  the  signatures,  to  the 
office  of  THE  AMERICAN  RIGHTS  LEAGUE,  2 West  45th  Street, 
New  York. 


NAME 


ADDRESS 


THE  CRUCIFIXION  OF  BELGIUM 

[BY  DR.  LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN] 


EXTENSION  OF  REMARKS 

OF 

HON,  AUGUSTUS  P.  GARDNER 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS 
IN  THE 

‘ HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 


MARCH  3,  1917 


94226 — 17283 


WASHINGTON 

1917 


(<>//>/•*  7 ....  ‘ 

**• , ®< X 4-^  ■■ 


EXTENSION  OF  REMARKS 

OF 

HON.  AUGUSTUS  P.  GARDNER. 


THE  CRUCIFIXION  OF  BELGIUM. 

Mr.  GARDNER.  Mr.  Speaker,  under  the  leave  to  extend  my  remarks  granted 
me  on  February  20,  in  compliance  with  a request,  I present  the  following 
document : 

[An  address  on  Germany’s  deportation  of  the  innocent  people  of  Belgium  and 
northern  France  by  Maj.  Louis  Livingston  Seaman,  United  States  Volunteers, 
at  the  Church  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  Protestant  Episcopal  (Rev.  John  A. 
Wacle,  rector),  and  protest  of  the  American  Rights  League,  George  Haven 
Putnam,  president.] 

The  wholesale  deportation  by  Germany  of  the  innocent  people  of  Belgium  con- 
stitutes a state  of  international  lawlessness  unsurpassed  since  the  abolition  of 
the  piratical  slave  raids  in  the  jungles  of  Africa.  It  may  justly  be  placed  on  a 
par  with  that  practice,  when  we  consider  the  teachings  of  the  high  priests  of 
Germany,  Treitselike.  Nietzsche,  and  Bernhardi,  whose  philosophy  has  instilled 
into  the  hearts  of  the  nation  the  belief  that  war  is  legitimate  and  good  business. 
In  the  estimation  of  many  thinking  people  the  present  tragedy  of  Europe  is 
the  most  logical  war  in  history ; for  it  is  simply  carrying  out  the  doctrine  in- 
stilled into  the  people  of  Germany  for  the  last  half  century — a doctrine  that 
justifies  the  commission  of  all  kinds  of  brutality  in  order  to  accomplish  its  end. 

Nations  in  their  development  from  barbarism  to  civilization  have  established 
laws  and  courts,  where  murder,  assassination,  arson,  rape,  robbery,  and  other 
crimes  are  summarily  dealt  with,  but  with  the  sacrilegious  and  blasphemous 
self-styled  representative  of  the  Almighty  who  now  rules  Germany  these  laws 
are  trampled  under  foot  as  having  no  significance.  German  atrocities,  ruthless 
murders,  and  bitter  wrongs  against  humanity  have  transformed  Germany  into  a 
monster.  So  that  the  present  war  is  not  a war  between  nations,  but  a death 
struggle  between  civilization  and  barbarism,  between  men  and  beasts. 

I have  just  returned  from  France,  where  I found  her  people  thinking  of  the 
atrocities  and  the  crimes  and  horrors  of  the  German  invasion.  France  is  fight- 
ing “ not  a nation,  but  an  idea — the  idea  of  militarism  and  bestiality  and  bru- 
tality expressed  in  the  action  of  the  Germans.” 

I recently  visited  Belgium,  whose  civilians  in  the  conquered  parts  of  the 
country  are  being  separated  from  their  families  and  deported  into  slavery  in 
Germany,  and  yet  scarcely  a word  of  protest  has  been  made  by  our  safety-first- 
and-honor-last  Executive  against  these  monstrous  acts  of  inhumanity. 

The  German  slave' driver,  Gen.  von  Bissing,  is  carrying  out  the  policy  of  his 
ruler,  sending  hundreds  of  thousands  of  Belgian  civilians  from  their  homes  and 
their  families  and  forcing  them  into  exile  and  slavery  in  Germany.  Cardinal 
Mercier  states  that  “ soldiers  enter  homes  by  force,  tearing  youth  from  parent, 
husband  from  wife,  father  from  children.  They  bar  with  the  bayonet  the  door 
through  which  wives  and  mothers  wish  to  pass  to  say  farewell  to  those  depart- 
ing. They  herd  their  captives  in  groups  of  tens  and  twenties  and  push  them 
into  cars.  As  soon  as  the  train  is  filled  the  "officer  in  charge  waves  the  signal 
for  departure.  Thus  thousands  of  Belgians  are  reduced  to  slavery.  Each  de- 
ported workman  on  arrival  in  Germany  releases  a soldier  for  the  German  Army.” 
One  great  reason  war  continues  is  the  fact  that  the  nations  fighting  Germany 
do  not  think  primarily  of  Germany  as  a nation,  but  they  regard  Germans  as  a 
tribe  which  practices  the  abominations  which  have  made  the  fate  of  Belgium  a 
94226—17283  3 


4 


world-wide  tragedy.  Peace  is  no  nearer,  notwithstanding  the  oceans  of  blood 
that  has  been  shed  and  the  millions  that  have  suffered,  because  no  peace  under 
these  conditions  is  possible.  Such  practices  must  perish  or  civilization  must 
perish.  There  can  be  no  peace  while  Germany  remains  the  exponent  of  princi- 
ples that  mean  the  destruction  of  civilization  as  exemplified  by  her  treatment 
and  torture  of  Belgium  to-day. 

The  unlawful  brutalities  of  Germany,  however,  need  cause  no  surprise  to  those 
who  are  familiar  with  its  military  history  for  the  last  50  years.  Some  of  you 
may  recall  the  statement  Bismarck  made  to  his  troops  when  they  left  Berlin 
for  their  conquest  of  France  in  1ST0.  In  an  address  to  them  before  their  de- 
parture he  said,  “ Leave  to  the  people  whom  you  conquer  naught  but  their  eyes 
with  which  to  see  and  to  weep,”  and  that  is  the  policy  they  are  now  enacting  in 
Belgium. 

The  German  nation  regards  with  great  pride  the  so-called  ceremonial  'of  the 
baptism  of  fire  for  its  army. 

There  have  been  but  two  occasions  between  the  war  of  1870  and  the  present 
one  in  which  the  German  troops  have  experienced  this  ceremony,  and  it  was  my 
fortune,  or  misfortune,  to  be  present  on  both  these  occasions. 

One  was  in  1900,  in  the  so-called  Boxer  war,  when  the  allied  armies  of  the 
world  crucified  Christianity  in  China  in  their  monstrous  treatment  of  the  Chin- 
ese, who,  in  their  misguided  judgment,  were  merely  trying  to  save  their  country 
from  vivisection  by  the  vultures  of  Europe. 

In  an  address  which  the  Emperor  of  Germany  delivered  to  his  troops  on  their 
departure  for  that  expedition  he  told  them  to  “ behave  like  Huns,”  and  their 
record  of  murder  and  devastation  in  that  country  has  left  a blot  on  their  es- 
cutcheon which  will  never  be  erased.  Their  army  arrived  in  Peking  several 
months  after  the  so-called  war  was  over,  but  they  at  once  began  a system  of 
punitive  expeditions  on  the  helpless  Chinese,  among  whom  there  was  no  more 
fight  than  in  a warren  of  rabbits,  and  continued  it  for  months,  committing  crimes 
of  murder,  rape,  and  looting  that  would  shame  the  record  of  Attila. 

The  other  occasion  occurred  in  German  Africa,  when  I also  chanced  to  be 
present.  The  Hereros,  one  of  the  finest  native  tribes  of  that  country,  had  pro- 
tested against  the  monstrous  hut  tax  which  the  colonial  government  had  imposed 
upon  them.  That  government  had  robbed  them  of  their  land  and  prevented 
them  shooting  the  game.  It  had  restricted  them  from  all  the  privileges  they  had 
enjoyed  for  immemorial  ages,  and  imposed  upon  them  a tax  so  large  that  it 
required  the  wage  of  half  a year’s  work  in  the  cotton  fields  or  in  the  making  of 
the  roads,  for  which  they  received  about  a penny  a day,  to  accumulate  enough 
to  pay  the  tax. 

The  natives  protested  against  this  payment  and  other  cruelties  and  restric- 
tions and  attempted  to  create  a rebellion.  On  learning  this,  the  German  authori- 
ties promptly  arrested  all  the  leading  men  of  the  tribe — the  chiefs,  the  medicine 
men,  the  priests,  and  the  heads  of  families  of  the  section  of  the  tribe  where  this 
massacre  occurred — and  held  them  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  colonial  governor. 
He  was  a fellow  passenger  with  me  on  a steamer  running  down  the  African 
coast,  and  when  we  reached  the  place,  at  about  8 o’clock  in  the  morning,  the 
situation  was  immediately  placed  before  him.  In  less  than  an  hour  208  of  these 
representative  natives,  the  most  'influential  and  powerful  of  the  tribe,  were 
brought  from  the  prison  and  hung  to  the  limbs  of  the  mango  trees  in  the  village. 
The  priests  and  medicine  men  had  told  the  natives  that  they  need  not  fear  the 
effect  of  the  German  guns,  as  they  shot  only  water.  To  prove  that  this  was  not 
true  and  to  instill  terror  among  the  remaining  inhabitants,  the  wives,  the  chil- 
dren, and  the  parents  of  the  condemned  men — indeed,  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
village — were  invited  down  to  the  mango  trees  where  their  husbands  and  fathers 
had  been  hung,  and  a detachment  of  German  soldiers  was  ordered  to  fire  upon 
the  suspended  bodies  until  they  were  literally  blown  to  pieces,  so  it  is  not  sur- 
prising to  me  to  see  the  same  monstrous  policy  developed  in  Belgium,  where 
the  methods  seem  to  be  naught  but  to  terrorize  and  to  exterminate. 

How  long,  oh  Lord ! how  long,  will  America  stand  by  and  see  these  crimes 
committed  without  a protest  so  vigorous  as  to  compel  their  cessation.  As  a 
veteran  or  observer,  I have  been  in  nine  wars,  in  almost  every  section  of  the 
civilized  and  uncivilized  world,  from  the  Moros  of  the  Philippines  to  the  jungles 
of  Africa,  but  it  has  been  reserved  for  this  war  to  furnish  cruelties  and  bar- 
barities which  surpass  anything  I have  witnessed  elsewhere  and  prove  that 
civilization  is  a failure  unless  the  nations  who  are  free  from  the  direct  suffer- 
94226—17283 


5 


ings  of  the  war  will  protest  with  sufficient  vigor  to  compel  some  regard  for  in- 
ternational law  and  for  the  salvation  of  humanity. 

On  August  28,  1914,  when  the  recrudescence  of  barbarism  now  devastating 
Europe  had  shocked  the  civilized  world,  I sent  the  following  cablegram  from 
Antwerp  to  President  Wilson.  It  had  the  indorsement  of  the  Belgian  military 
authorities,  and  every  word  in  it  has  been  verified  by  Viscount  Bryce  in  his 
report  to  Parliament.  It  is  as  follows : 

Antwebp,  August  28,  1914. 

My  Deab  Me.  Pkesident  ; Unless  the  barbarism  of  the  German  Kaiser  ceases, 
the  civilization  of  Europe  will  be  set  back  a century.  The  rules  of  The  Hague 
tribunal  have  been  grossly  ignored.  Innocent  women  and  children  have  been 
bayoneted.  Old  men  and  noncombatants  have  been  shot.  The  white  flag  and 
Red  Cross  ambulances  have  been  fired  upon.  A Belgian  Red  Cross  officer  was 
shot  while  assisting  at  the  burial  of  a dead  German.  Villages  of  noncom- 
batants have  been  burned  and  historic  monuments  desecrated.  Churches  have 
been  sacked  and  hostages  murdered.  This  morning  bombs  dropped  from  a 
Zeppelin  in  an  attempt  to  assassinate  the  royal  family  killed  11  citizens  and 
desperately  wounded  many  more.  This  • is  not  war,  but  murder.  As  vice 
president  of  the  Peace  and  Arbitration  League  of  the  United  States,  I implore 
you  in  the  name  of  humanity  and  justice  to  back  American  protest  so  vigor- 
ously that  German  vandalism  must  cease,  and  the  future  disarmament  of 
Europe  made  possible. 

Respectfully,  yours, 

Lotus  L.  Seaman. 

Mr.  Wilson  at  that  time  had  every  opportunity  to  prove  the  truth  of  my  re- 
port, but  it  was  disregarded,  and  he  failed  to  protest  against  the  greatest  crime 
of  history — the  monstrous  infringement  on  international  law  and  the  funda- 
mental rights  of  humanity.  Had  he  then  protested  in  the  name  of  The  Hague 
tribunal  and  civilization,  and  made  immediate  preparations  to  enforce  his  pro- 
test, his  name  would  have  gone  down  to  history  coupled  with  that  of  Wash- 
ington and  Lincoln.  Instead  it  is  more  likely  to  be  coupled  with  that  of  Dr. 
.Tekyll  and  Mr.  Hyde.  There  would  have  been  no  Lusitania  and  Arabic  mur- 
ders to  commemorate  and  no  Belgian  deportations  to  shock  the  world,  and 
America  would  have  maintained  the  ideals  for  which  your  forbears  and  mine 
since  the  days  of  Magna  Charta  were  not  too  proud  to  fight. 

Some  day  the  murderous  cataclysm  now  raging  in  Europe  will  cease,  and 
what  will  be  the  conditions  existing  then?  It  will  find  most  of  the  continental 
nations  hopelessly  wrecked  financially  and  saddled  with  debts,  many  of  which 
will  never  be  liquidated.  It  will  find  America  prosperous  and  in  possession  of 
wealth  beyond  the  dreams  of  avarice,  but  without  a friend  in  the  world.  It 
will  find  Europe  jealous  of  our  prosperity  and  envious-  of  our  riches.  Pros- 
perity without  protection  is  a peril.  Envy  and  jealousy  are  the  most  fruitful 
causes  of  war.  Unless  we  are  prepared  to  resist  unjust  demands  war  will 
undoubtedly  follow.  Congress  and  the  President  have  already  wasted  most 
valuable  time  in  failing  to  make  adequate  preparations  for  the  preservation  of 
our  peace.  Unless  this  is  done,  and  done  immediately,  our  country  will  cer- 
tainly receive  the  treatment  it  will  deserve — vivisection,  with  but  little  sym- 
pathy for  the  patient  under  the  scalpel.  You  may  remember  Bismark’s  sig- 
nificant reply,  wdien  asked  what  he  thought  of  America.  “America,”  said  he, 
“ is  a fine,  fat  hog,  and  when  we’re  ready  we  will  stick  it.” 

While  in  the  hospital  at  La  Panne  with  Surg.  Gen.  de  Page  a few  weeks  ago 
I was  invited  to  a private  audience  with  Her  Majesty  Queen  Elizabeth, 
Belgium’s  noble  queen.  She  spoke  in  keenest  praise  of  America’s  generosity 
to  her  people,  who,  but  for  this  wonderful  assistance,  would  have  perished 
from  the  earth,  and  of  the  deep  obligation  of  her  suffering  country  to  our  land. 
She  is  a rare  jewel  without  the  setting,  proving  the  royal  character  without 
its  pageantry,  a fitting  mate  for  the  king  who  will  pass  into  history  as  the 
greatest  hero  of  this  monstrous  war.  She  is  living  by  the  sea,  'in  a villa  near 
the  hospitals,  which  she  visits  almost  daily  in  her  work  of  devotion,  and  her 
soul  is  wrapped  in  the  welfare  of  her  suffering  people  and  her  desire  to  help 
them. 

One  Sunday  evening  we  dined  with  Madame  Henri  Carton  De  Wiart,  wife 
of  the  Belgian  Minister  of  Justice,  in  an  ancient  castle  near  Havre,  given  to 
her  by  the  French.  It  was  in  strange  contrast  to  the  prison  for  criminals  in 
Berlin,  where  for  three  months  she  was  incarcerated  in  a cell  but  little  larger 
94226— 172S3 


6 


than  her  (lining  table  for  mailing  a copy  of  the  pastoral  letter  of  Cardinal 
Mercier,  who  is  now  himself  a victim  of  German  tyranny.  When  asked  by  the 
tribunal  which  convicted  her  whether  she  had  sent  the  letter  she  answered, 
“Yes;  and  I am  ready  to  pay  the  penalty.”  Our  Embassy  and  that  of  Spain 
intervened  on  her  behalf,  but  when  our  Ambassador  called  to  see  her  the  in- 
terview was  allowed  only  in  the  presence  of  a German  officer.  When  asked 
regarding  her  food  she  said,  “ I had  not  known  these  dishes  before,  but  I know 
them  now."  The  following  day  the  German  officer  visited  her  again  and  said, 
“ Madam,  you  will  be  allowed  the  privilege  of  purchasing  your  own  food.”  She 
answered,  “ For  a privilege  one  must  say,  thank  you.  I can  not  say  thank  you 
to  a German.  You  say  I may  pay  for  my  food.  That  money  would  go  to  a 
German.  I would  rather  starve  than  have  my  money  go  to  a German.”  She 
endured  her  imprisonment  to  the  end,  thus  typifying  again  the  spirit  of 
Belgium,  which  neither  shell  nor  torture  can  conquer. 

On  the  seashore  near  the  hospital  at  La  Panne  stands  a rude  little  chapel, 
recently  erected.  It  is  known  as  the  Relic  Church,  and  its  pulpit,  its  font,  and 
its  altar  were  rescued  from  the  wreckage  of  Nieuport  and  Ypres  and  the  ruined 
churches  of  Belgium.  Many  sacred  pictures  of  rare  beauty  and  age  are  there 
and  ancient  crucifixes,  marred  and  scarred  by  the  enemies’  shells.  In  strange 
contrast,  in  one  corner  was  piled  a heap  of  brown  stone  cannon  balls  that  had 
been  unearthed  by  the  soldiers  while  digging  the  trenches  near  Nieuport  and 
which  had  been  used  in  the  Battle  of  the  Dunes  centuries  before.  For  more 
than  a thousand  years  Belgium  has  been  the  cockpit  of  Europe,  but  the  spirit 
of  its  people  is  still  unconquered. 

From  La  Panne  we  visited  Havre,  the  present  seat  of  the  Belgian  Govern- 
ment, where  we  met  several  of  the  ministers  of  state,  and  were  told  of  the 
work  already  inaugurated  for  the  restoration  of  the  Belgian  people  and  of 
the  colonies  of  orphans  in  various  centers  in  France,  where  they  are  being 
carefully  educated.  On  a hill  overlooking  the  city  Le  Comte  de  Renesse 
Breidaek  has  built  an  institution  that  reflects  the  spirit  of  Belgium  better 
than  words  can  picture.  Here  the  human  wreckage  of  the  army  is  being  made 
over  into  self-supporting,  self-respecting  wage  earners  in  various  trades,  in  an 
atmosphere  of  self-content  and  happiness.  Shops  for  various  industries  are 
filled  with  legless  shoemakers  and  tailors  and  printers,  who  are  now  earning 
a fair  competence.  Basket  and  barrel  making,  metal-lathe  workers,  cooks  and 
bakers,  and  toy  makers  are  here,  and  many  peaceful  arts  are  being  taught  to 
artisans  who  are  lame  and  blind,  but  whose  indomitable  wills  are  conquering 
their  cruel  fate.  The  spirit  of  the  Count,  who  from  wealth  and  power  was 
driven  to  poverty,  is  bringing  inspiration  through  his  personality  to  thousands 
of  men,  from  the  depths  of  despair  to  contentment  and  self-support. 

When  in  London  we  visited  St.  Dunstan’s,  memorialized  by  Thackeray  in  Van- 
ity Fair,  but  now  a home  for  the  blinded  soldiers  and  sailors  of  Great  Britain,  of 
which  Sir  Arthur  Pierson,  who  is  also  blind,  is  the  chairman. 

“ This  place,”  said  he.  “ is  the  happiest  house  in  London,  probably  in  the 
world,  and  I’ll  tell  you  why — it  is  so  full  of  sympathy.” 

The  institution  typifies  the  moral  tone  and  spirit  of  all  the  allies  to-day — it  is 
the  spirit  of  hope,  of  life,  of  victory.  “ It  is  the  spirit  of  our  ancestors  of  ’76, 
the  spirit  of  confidence,  of  success,  of  the  irresistible  determination  to  rescue 
freedom  and  civilization  from  this  terrible  tragedy — the  spirit  of  Lincoln  at 
Gettysburg  when  he  prophesied  for  our  country  a government  of  the  people,  by 
the  people,  for  the  people,  which  shall  not  perish  from  the  face  of  the  earth.” 

The  aim  of  the  allies  to-day  is  to  secure  for  themselves  that  same  birth  of 
freedom  as  was  pictured  by  Lincoln,  and  the  attainment  of  that  purpose  affects 
our  country  as  deeply  as  it  does  the  allies.  It  is  as  much  our  fight  as  theirs ; for 
the  predatory  aggression  of  the  Hun  will  not  cease  at  the  crucifixion  of  Belgium 
or  the  3-mile  limit,  and  in  our  deplorable  state  of  helplessness,  a state  that 
resembles  that  of  China,  we  not  only  invite  war  but  also  defeat  and  vassalage. 

I am  a man  of  peace — the  vice  president  of  the  Peace  and  Arbitration  League 
of  America.  As  an  officer  or  observer  I have  participated  in  nine  wars  and, 
Heaven  knows,  I want  to  see  no  more ! But  until  the  end  of  this  piratical  con- 
flict in  which  the  ideals  of  liberty  and  freedom  and  honor,  for  which  my  ancestors 
fought  and  died,  are  at  stake,  I am  heart  and  soul  with  the  allies.  The  tradi- 
tional friendship  between  the  allies  and  America,  strengthened  by  the  destruc- 
tion of  scraps  of  paper  formerly  called  treaties,  would  have  been  only  a memory 
had  not  the  great  war  relief  societies  of  our  country  kept  it  alive;  and  it  is  to 
them  and  to  our  surgeons  and  hospitals  and  nurses,  our  splendid  ambulance  corps, 
9422G — 17283 


'■ 


7 


and  brave  avions,  and  not  to  the  weak-kneed,  vacillating,  waiting,  and  wabbling 
policy  of  our  present  administration  that  we  are  indebted  for  the  preservation 
of  what  remains  of  the  friendship  and  the  entente  cordial  that  exists  between 
our  countries  to-day. 

King  Albert,  through  M.  Henri  Carton  de  Wiart,  his  minister  of  justice,  and 
M.  Louis  de  Sadeleer,  his  minister  of  state,  now  in  New  York,  asks  America  in 
this  crucial  moment  to  compel  a regard  for  international  law  by  Germany,  and 
thus  prevent  the  further  deportation  and  enslavement  of  his  "people.  Is  this 
humane  and  righteous  request  of  Belgium’s  King  to  be  heard  and  Germany  be 
made  to  respect  the  laws  of  honor  and  civilization  regarded  as  sacred  by  all  other 
nations ; or  is  the  world  to  relapse  to  barbarism  and  the  savagery  of  the  Dark 
Ages?  That  is  the  question  America,  which  too  long  has  been  morally  asleep,  is 
now  expected  to  help  to  answer. 

A petition  to  the  President  of  the  United  States  on  behalf  of  the  Belgians  and 
other  peoples  oppressed  by  the  Teutonic  Governments. 

[The  American  Rights  League,  George  Haven  Putnam,  President.] 

Whereas  Germany  has  shown  her  contempt  for  treaties  by  her  unprovoked  in- 
vasion of  Belgium  and  her  continued  violation  of  the  rights  of  a small  but 
high-minded  people ; 

Whereas  Germany,  in  Belgium  and  elsewhere,  has  revived  the  practices  of  bar- 
baric warfare  by  exacting  war  contributions  from  conquered  cities,  by  shoot- 
ing noncombatants,  by  seizing  and  executing  hostages,  killing  even  priests, 
for  no  greater  crime  than  loyalty  to  their  country ; 

Whereas  Germany  has  permitted  her  troops  to  commit  unspeakable  outrages ; 
Whereas  Germany  has  sunk  hospital  ships  and  fired  upon  hospitals ; 

Whereas  Germany  has  destroyed  by  fire  and  has  bombarded  unresisting  and 
unfortified  towns  and  villages  and  has  sunk  without  warning  passenger  and 
merchant  vessels,  both  neutral  and  belligerents,  in  these  and  other  ways  kill- 
ing noncombatant  men  and  even  women  and  children ; 

Whereas  even  our  own  fellow  citizens  are  victims  of  these  crimes ; 

Whereas  plots  against  the  peace  and  order  of  our  own  country  have  been 
hatched  by  German  agents ; and 

Whereas  now,  while  continuing  these  and  many  other  like  deeds  too  numerous 
to  catalogue,  Germany  is  deporting  peaceable  and  law-abiding  Belgians  into 
what  substantially  is  slavery  in  a foreign  land,  obliging  them  to  aid  the 
enemies  of  their  country ; and 

Whereas  Germany,  by  persisting  in  these  practices,  makes  herself  an  outlaw 
among  nations; 

Whereas,  moreover,  this  counti’y  stands  and  has  always  stood  for  the  rights  of 
man  and  the  freedom  of  the  individual,  and  has  supported  nations  resisting 
oppression  or  struggling  for  liberty ; and 
Whereas  it  is  vital  to  the  interests  of  this  Nation  to  uphold  the  rights  of  man- 
kind and  international  law : Now  therefore 

We,  the  undersigned  citizens  of  the  United  States,  pledge  our  support  to  the 
President  in  any  steps  he  may  take  in  the  effort  to  bring  about  a cessation  of 
the  inhuman  treatment  of  the  Belgians  and  the  people  of  Northern  Prance, 
Poland,  and  other  nationalities  oppressed  by  the  Germanic  powers ; and 

We  earnestly  pray  the  President  and  Congress  to  say  in  clear  terms  to  Ger- 
many and  to  Austria  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  can  no  longer 
remain  on  terms  of  comity,  even  merely  official,  with  nations  which  persist  in 
violating  not  only  international  law  but  the  ordinary  sentiments  of  humanity 
which  have  always  been  respected  by  civilized  nations ; and 
We  urge  the  President  to  state  definitely  that,  unless  the  Germanic  Gov- 
ernments agree  to  cease  at  once  the  deportations  of  Belgians,  to  return  to 
their  homes  those  already  deported,  and  to  give  effective  assurances  that  inter- 
national law  and  the  dictates  of  humanity  will  in  future  be  respected,  diplo- 
matic relations  with  Germany  and  with  Austria  will  at  one  be  terminated. 


94226—17283 


o 


THE  RESTORATION 


of 

THE  ARMY  CANTEEN 


A Moral  and  Sanitary  Necessity 

B Y 


MAJOR  LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN,  M.D.,  LL.D.,  A.B.,  F.R.G.S., 
LATE  SURGEON  U.  S.  V.  E. 


Reprinted  from  The  North  American  Review  and  The  Editorial  Review 


1912. 


/*//*/*?  • 


The  Restoration  of  the  Army  Canteen 

A MORAL  AND  SANITARY  NECESSITY 
BY 

MAJOR  LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN,  M.D.,  LL.D.,  A.B.,  F.R.G.S. 

LATE  SURGEON  U.  S.  V.  E. 


Reprinted  from  The  North  American  Review  and  The  Editorial  Review. 

1912. 


The  proposed  restoration  of  the  Army  Canteen,  as  advocated 
by  the  Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt  in  his  bill  now  before  Congress,  is 
destined  to  meet  with  severe  opposition  through  ignorance,  un- 
less the  opponents  of  the  measure  realize  the  gravity  of  the  re- 
sults that  have  followed  its  abolition. 

Among  the  Military  Officers  who  served  with  the  troops  in 
the  field  and  cared  for  them  in  the  hospital  wards,  and  who  are 
therefore  best  qualified  to  render  an  unbiased  judgment,  there  is 
almost  unanimous  opinion.  To  present  some  of  the  reasons  upon 
which  this  verdict  is  based  is  the  raison  d'etre  of  this  paper. 

In  the  first  place,  it  is  illogical  and  unrighteous  to  give  to  the 
Army  Post  Exchange  the  name  of  the  Canteen.  Some  diabolical 
malaprop  must  have  first  linked  these  terms  in  unequal  fellow- 
ship. Had  the  Canteen  been  called  the  Soldiers’  Club,  or  Post 
Exchange,  from  the  beginning,  it  never  would  have  been  abol- 
ished by  Act  of  Congress.  To  thrust  it  into  contempt  and  igno- 
miny by  calling  it  a canteen  is  as  unfair  as  it  would  be  to  call  the 
University  Club  a groggery  or  a dram-shop. 

The  purpose  of  the  Post  Exchange  or  Canteen  combined  the 
features  of  a reading-room  and  recreation-room,  a co-operative 
store  and  a restaurant.  Its  primary  purpose  was  to  furnish  to 
the  troops,  at  reasonable  prices,  the  articles  of  ordinary  use,  wear 
and  consumption,  not  supplied  by  the  Government,  and  to  afford 
them  means  of  rational  recreation  and  amusement  suitable  to 
their  taste  and  station  in  life,  which,  if  denied,  they  would  seek 
outside  the  limits  of  camp.  Let  us  for  a moment  review  the  his- 
tory of  the  origin  of  the  so-called  Canteen  and  the  influences  that 
led  to  its  establishment. 


3 


In  the  early  days  of  the  American  Army,  a regular  ration  of 
stimulants,  rum,  brandy  or  whiskey,  was  served  to  the  soldier,  as 
is  shown  in  the  record  of  the  Second  Session  of  Congress  in  1790, 
and  this  was  continued  until  the  War  of  the  Rebellion.  Later, 
sutlers  were  appointed  by  the  Government.  A sutler  was  an 
authorized  military  storekeeper,  who  was  not  permitted  to  sell 
intoxicating  liquors.  This  restriction  was  soon  removed  by  Con- 
gress, and  it  is  a matter  of  history  that,  during  the  Civil  War, 
all  kinds  of  intoxicating  liquors  were  sold  in  the  sutler’s  canteen, 
the  variety  that  “scratched  as  it  went  down,”  as  the  soldiers  used 
to  say,  raw  spirits  and  fusil  oil  (that  cost  about  ninety  cents  a 
gallon  and  often  sold  at  twenty-five  cents  a glass)  being  the  most  / 
popular.  Most  of  the  men  appointed  as  sutlers  lost  their  honor 
and  manhood  in  their  grasp  for  selfish  gain.  When  pay-day 
came,  the  sutler  usually  took  his  place  at  the  paymaster’s  table, 
and  there  collected  his  claims.  If  the  soldier  refused  to  pay,  the 
sutler  could  request  and  receive  the  amount  of  his  claim  from  the 
paymaster,  provided  the  amount  did  not  exceed  one-third  of  the 
soldier’s  monthly  salary.  It  was  found  that,  under  the  sutler 
system,  the  sick-list  and  death  rate  from  alcoholism  increased  to 
an  alarming  extent'.  By  Act  of  Congress  in  1866,  the  Govern- 
ment dispensed  with  the  sutler  system,  and  authorized  the  estab- 
lishment of  Post  Trading  Stations,  at  all  military  points  on  the 
frontier.  The  post  trader  was  given  authority  to  conduct  his 
business  within  the  limits  of  the  post,  and  the  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquors  was  not  restricted.  This  system,  however,  proved  little 
better  than  the  sutler  system ; in  both  cases  the  Army  was  sadly 
in  need  of  a reform. 

As  stated  by  the  Rev.  S.  B.  Dexter,  Secretary  of  the  Inter-De- 
nominational Ministerial  Commission  on  the  Investigation  at 
Fort  Sheridan : 

“It  was  a time  when  pay-day  meant  absence  from  the  post  of 
almost  half  the  command;  when  men  were  robbed  by  dive-keepers  on 
all  sides,  and  when  they  were  imprisoned  in  the  Guard  House  by 
the  score  for  drunkenness.  Liquor  saloons  were  in  abundance  at 
the  gates  of  every  post;  vile  liquors  and  sometimes  vile  drugs  were 
given  out  over  the  bar,  and  all  the  abominations  annexed  to  such 
places  were  put  in  the  pathway  of  the  young  men  of  the  Army.” 

It  was  the  harvest  day  of  the  dive-keeper. 

As  a result  of  these  conditions,  and  in  an  effort  to  improve 
the  environment  and  elevate  the  character  of  the  enlisted  men, 
the  Post  Exchange  or  “Canteen”  was  established,  which  came 
into  full  operation  in  the  Army  in  1891.  This  institution  was  the 
Soldier’s  Club,  where  the  men  had  their  reading  room  and  could 
smoke  their  pipes  and  enjoy  the  society  of  their  fellows  in  a 


4 


wholesome  atmosphere,  free  from  the  degrading  influences  of  the 
“speak  easies,”  "sneaks,”  and  groggeries  that  flourish  so  abund- 
antly in  the  prohibition  State  of  Maine,  and  which  are  always 
to  be  found  about  the  entrances  to  the  Government  posts.  By 
Government  regulation  whiskey  was  never  allowed  in  the  Post 
Exchange.  The  “Canteen”  feature,  where  only  beer  was  sold, 
was  in  a separate  room,  and  regulations  prohibited  gambling, 
treating  and  the  entry  of  civilians.  Here  the  soldier  found  a 
relief  from  the  monotony  of  Post  life,  and  as  a glass  of  beer  and 
sandwiches  or  biscuits  could  always  be  purchased,  his  craving 
for  stronger  drink  was  satisfied,  and  many  men,  who  before,  or 
when  opportunity  offered,  were  hard  drinkers,  became  through 
this  discipline,  temperate.  The  Canteen  was  always  closed  on 
Sunday. 

Improvement  in  the  morale  and  health  of  the  men  of  the  Army 
was  noticed  as  soon  as  this  new  feature  was  fully  established. 
Colonel  Mills,  in  a report  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  said: 

“During  the  first  year  of  the  exchange  at  Fort  Custer,  Montana, 
from  records  made  at  the  time,  I can  state  that  the  number  of  en- 
listed men  confined  in  the  post  Guard  House  for  offenses  following 
over-indulgence  in  drink,  was  reduced  between  70  and  75  per  day. 
Pay  day  was  no  longer  noticeable  by  a great  increase  in  the  Guard 
House  Prison.” 

From  1891  to  1897,  when  the  Canteens  had  been  established 
throughout  the  Army,  the  number  of  admissions  to  military  hos- 
pitals from  alcoholism  and  its  results,  was  reduced  over  forty  per 
cent.  In  one  Post,  Willett’s  Point,  N.  Y.,  near  my  own  home, 
the  admissions  for  this  cause  in  1889  was  272.97  for  every  1,000 
troops.  Two  years  after  the  establishment  of  the  Canteen  it  fell 
to  70.46  to  the  1,000.  At  Fort  Spokane  the  amount  of  disease 
resulting  directly  or  indirectly  from  intoxicants  diminished  50 
per  cent,  during  the  first  six  months  following  the  introduction 
of  the  Canteen. 

Such  was  the  beneficial  influence  of  the  Army  Canteen.  It  was 
not  an  ideal  institution,  but  as  it  existed  in  1900  it  was  the  most 
rational  compromise  that  the  ripe  experience  of  the  ablest  officers 
of  the  Army  could  devise.  It  was  under  the  direct  management 
of  an  officer  selected  by  the  Post  Commander  for  his  fitness 
for  the  position.  It  was  not  abused  in  the  camps,  but  was  the 
soldier’s  friend,  often  saving  him  from  disgrace  and  disease  worse 
than  death.  Its  advocates  frankly  admit  that  the  total  abolition 
of  intoxicants  in  the  Army  is  a desideratum  devoutly  to  be  wished. 
Personally,  almost  a total  abstainer  myself,  and  after  having 
passed  ten  years  of  my  life  as  Chief  of  the  Medical  Staff  at  Black- 


5 


I 


well's  and  Ward’s  Islands,  where  I saw  its  frightful  results  in 
forms  no  modern  Hogarth  could  adequately  depict,  I would  gladly 
have  alcohol  eliminated  as  a product  from  the  face  of  the  earth. 
Personally,  too,  I would  abolish  wars  and  therefore  armies,  and 
the  necessities  for  Canteens ; but,  unfortunately,  this  is  not  a per- 
sonal matter. 

The  first  responsibility  of  a government  in  times  of  either  war 
or  peace  should  be  the  proper  care  of  its  guardians.  The  State 
deprives  the  soldier  of  his  liberty,  prescribes  his  exercise,  equip- 
ment, dress  and  diet.  It  should,  therefore,  give  him  the  best  sani- 
tation, medical  and  other  supervision  that  the  science  of  the 
age  can  devise.  And  experience  has  demonstrated  that,  in 
its  special  sphere,  the  Canteen  was  the  best  that  has  yet  been 
devised.  But  in  the  year  1900  a wave  of  sentimentality  in  favor 
of  absolute  prohibition  spread  over  the  country,  unquestionably 
inspired  by  good  motives.  The  movement  was  aided  by  the 
Christian  church  and  the  Women’s  Christian  Temperance 
Union,  and  one  of  its  results  was  the  passage  by  Congress  of  an 
Act  abolishing  the  Canteen.  The  Act  reads  as  follows : “The  sale 
or  dealing  in  beer,  wine  or  any  intoxicating  liquors  by  any  per- 
son in  any  Post  Exchange  or  Canteen  or  Army  Transport,  or 
upon  any  premises  used  for  military  purposes  by  the  United 
States  is  hereby  prohibited.  The  Secretary  of  War  is  hereby 
directed  to  carry  the  provision  of  this  section  into  full  force  and 
effect.” 

Ten  years  have  elapsed  since  the  passage  of  this  Act  and  to- 
day the  rumsellers  and  the  W.  C.  T.  U.,  are  its. chief  financial  sup- 
porters. Truly,  indeed,  “politics  makes  strange  bedfellows.” 
The  enemies  of  the  Canteen  seem,  to  ignore  the  fact.  that,  when 
men  accustomed  to  the  use  of  stimulants  are  deprived  of  them  in 
one  way  they  will  resort  to  other  methods  to  obtain  them. . A very 
small  percentage  of  the  Army  are  total  abstainers.  Soldiers  are 
not  boys  nor  coddlings  nor  prisoners,  but  are  well-paid  men  and 
have  their  pass  days.  The  habits  of  the  vast  majority  were  fixed 
before  their  enlistment,  and  a large  proportion  belong  to  the 
class  known  as  light  drinkers.  When  the  soldier  can  not  obtain 
a glass  of  beer  at  the  Post  Exchange  in  camp,  the  first  place 
he  generally  strikes  for  when  on  pass  is  the  nearest  saloon, 
where,  in  Porto  Rico,  he  is  served  with  rum  loaded  with  fusel  oil ; 
at  home,  with  vile,  “doctored”  whiskey;  in  the  Philippines,  with 
vino,  a sort  of  wood  alcohol,  distilled  from  the  nepa  plant;  or 
in  China  with  sam  shui,  a product  of  rice — all  rank  poisons,  one 
or  two  drinks  of  which  “steal  away  his  brains.”  Then  follow 
excesses  to  which,  when  sober,  he  would  be  the  last  to  descend  : 
drunkenness,  insubordination,  debauchery  or  desertion. 


6 


The  following  extract  is  from  a letter  written  by  Lieut.-Col. 
William  Quinton,  of  the  14th  Infantry,  and  dated  Army  and 
Navy  Club,  New  York,  December  20th,  1901 : 

“The  Post  at  which  I am  at  present  stationed,  Fort  Shelling,  Minn., 
is  surrounded  by  a lot  of  low  dives.  All  that  is  necessary  for  a sol- 
dier to  do,  to  fill  up  on  any  kind  of  stimulants  that  he  may  crave,  is 
to  cross  the  iron  bridge  that  spans  the  Mississippi  River,  and  which 
connects  the  Fort  with  the  eastern  bank.  These  dives  give  me  a 
great  deal  of  trouble,  as  the  regiment,  the  14th  Infantry,  is  receiving 
recruits  daily.  The  dives  are  a great  menace  to  the  recruits,  and  I 
have  no  means  of  abating  them.  They  are  run  wide  open,  and  have 
been  doing  so  since  the  abolition  of  the  Canteen.” 

It  is  well  recognized  by  all  authorities  that  alcoholism  and  in- 
sanity are  closely  related,  through  the  direct  influence  exerted  by 
intoxicants  in  the  production  of  mental  aberration.  Captain 
Munson,  Surgeon,  U.  S.  A.,  in  his  report  on  file  in  the  office  of 
the  Adjutant-General,  states  that  “during  the  seven  years  of  the 
existence  of  the  Canteen  the  reduction  of  insanity  in  the  Army 
amounted  to  31.7  per  cent.”  Drunkenness  was  certainly  pre- 
vented by  the  constant  military  supervision  to  which  the  Canteen 
was  subjected.  As  illustrating  the  marked  reductions  of  convic- 
tions for  drunkenness  or  complications  arising  therefrom  since 
the  establishment  of  the  Canteen,  the  report  of  the  Judge- Advo- 
vate-General  states  that,  in  the  year  1889,  before  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Canteen,  the  number  of  trials  and  convictions  for 
drunkenness  and  conditions  arising  therefrom  was  423.  In  the 
year  1897  the  total  number  reached  only  143. 

From  the  above  figures  it  is  evident  that  coincidentally  with  the 
thorough  establishment  of  the  Canteen  system,  there  occurred  a 
decrease,  amounting  to  considerably  more  than  one-half,  of  the 
drunkenness  which  formerly  tended  to  the  impairment  of  disci- 
pline, the  demoralization  of  individuals,  and  the  occurrence  of  as- 
saults and  deaths.  It  is  idle  to  deny  that  this  excellent  result 
has  been  largely  due  to  the  attractions  furnished  by  the  Canteen 
combined  with  the  military  discipline  which  prevails  in  that  in- 
stitution, which  reduced  to  a minimum  the  possibility  of  danger- 
ous excesses.  Brig. -General  Jr  P.  Sanger,  Inspector-General  of 
the  Division  of  the  Philippines,  in  his  report  submitted  in  1902  to 
the  Adjutant-General,  states  that  “since  June  30th,  1900,  307  en- 
listed men  have  been  sent  home  insane.”  And  Major  Arthur, 
Surgeon  in  charge  of  the  First  Reserve  Plospital,  Manila,  where 
they  have  all  been  under  observation  and  treatment,  reports  that 
78,  or  25:4  per  cent.,  were  insane  from  the  excessive  use  of 
alcohol. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  the  Canteen  presents  the  saloon  to 
the  recruit  in  its  most  objectionable  form, — that  he  enters  the 


7 


Army,  free  from  the  drink  and  debt  habit,  and  is  discharged  with 
both  fixed  upon  him.  In  reply,  it  may  be  said,  if  the  recruit 
was  not  in  the  Army,  he  would  probably  have  the  saloon  presented 
to  him  in  a more  attractive  and  alluring  manner,  as,  for  instance, 
it  is  to  the  college  boy  of  the  present  day ; and  if  he  is  not  pos- 
sessed of  the  moral  stamina  to  resist  its  temptation  in  one  place, 
he  certainly  will  not  in  the  other.  In  the  Canteen,  his  command- 
ing officer  is  directed  to  see  that  his  credit  is  limited  to  20  per 
cent,  of  his  pay,  which  amounts  to  $3.00  per  month ; and,  if  he 
exceeds  this  amount  of  debt,  his  commanding  officer  and  not  the 
soldier  has  been  derelect  in  the  performance  of  his  duty. 

Major-General  John  R.  Brooke,  commanding  the  Department 
of  the  East,  in  his  report  to  the  Adjutant-General,  dated  Wash- 
ington, May  1st,  1900,  says : “The  experience  gained  since  the 
establishment  of  the  Post  Exchange  and  Canteen  has  been  such 
as  to  warrant  me  in  saying  that  these  institutions,  under  the 
regulations  by  which  they  are  conducted,  are  not  only  highly 
beneficial  to  the  Army,  but  have  a decided  influence  for  temper- 
ance and  good  discipline.” 

The  Canteen  greatly  contributed  to  the  happiness  of  the  troops. 
The  best  index  of  their  contentment  can  be  found  in  the  rate  of 
desertions,  since  it  is  obvious  that  the  soldier  who  is  well  satisfied 
with  his  lot  will  not  endeavor  to  escape  from  his  military  obliga- 
tions. The  desertions  from  the  Regular  Army  in  1888-89  averaged 
11  per  cent.  In  1897,  after  the  Canteen  had  been  running  for 
eight  years,  it  fell  to  2 per  cent. 

The  influence  of  the  Canteen  in  promoting  order  and  content- 
ment is  less  directly,  though  none  the  less  positively,  shown  by  the 
number  of  the  soldiers  making  savings  deposits  with  the  Army 
paymasters. 

The  report  of  the  Paymaster-General  for  1899  shows,  that  the 
average  number  of  men  annually,  making  such  deposits  for  the 
seven  years  1885-91  was  7,273,  while  for  the  six  years  1892-97, 
the  annual  number  so  depositing  was  8,382,  an  increase  of  over 
13  per  cent.  Gambling,  too,  has  been  decidedly  diminished  by  the 
restrictions  of  the  Canteen.  The  records  of  the  Adjutant-Gen- 
eral’s office,  December  4th,  1902,  shows  that  General  Bates,  Pay- 
master of  the  Army,  collected  from  75,000  enlisted  men  (regu- 
lars) during  the  last  year  in  which  the  Canteen  was  in  force,  on 
account  of  the  Soldiers’  Home,  dues,  fines  and  forfeitures,  $462,- 
698 ; while  during  the  fiscal  year  1902,  since  the  abolishment  of 
the  Canteen,  there  was  collected  by  Paymasters  from  about  70,000 
enlisted  men  (regulars),  on  the  same  account,  $632,125.  That 
is  to  say,  the  fines  and  forfeitures  imposed  upon  and  collected 


from  the  enlisted  men  of  the  Army  were  vastly  increased  during 
the  year  subsequent  to  the  abolishment  of  the  Canteen. 

The  opportunity  given  to  the  men  of  purchasing  light,  nutri- 
tious lunches  in  the  Canteen  was-  certainly  of  much  benefit.  Many 
articles  of  food  not  obtainable  in  the  Company  mess  were  brought 
within  reach,  and  the  monotony  of  Company  cookery  was  agree- 
ably interrupted.  This  feature  does  much  to  prevent  the  in- 
temperate use  of  alcoholics.  The  gastric  cravings  of  hearty  and 
idle  men  are  thus  satisfied,  and  the  sandwich  with  beer  largely 
decreases  the  desire  for  an  additional  quantity  of  the  latter. 

Since  the  abolition  of  the  Canteen  the  Secretary  of  War  has 
collected  an  enormous  volume  of  evidence  from  thousands  of  of- 
ficers of  the  Army,  all  of  whom  in  their  written  reports  favor  its 
restoration. 

Here  is  the  testimony  of  one  of  the  commanding  officers : 

In  1903,  General  Frederick  D.  Grant,  when  commanding  the 
Department  of  Texas,  officially  reported: 

“It  is  hardly  necessary  to  state  that  the  prohibition  of  the  sale  of 
beer  in  the  Post  Exchange,  has  resulted  in  a great  increase  in  the 
number  of  saloons,  generally  of  the  lowest  class,  in  the  vicinity  of  all 
the  posts,  and  consequent  injury  to  discipline.” 

In  1894,  while  commanding  the  Department  of  Lakes,  he  re- 
ported : 

“The  Chief  Surgeon  says  there  is  little  question  in  his  mind  that 
the  abolition  of  the  Canteen  has  increased  the  consumption  of  strong 
drink  among  the  enlisted  men  of  the  Army,  and  that  its  restoration 
would  be  a move  in  the  practical  promotion  of  temperance.” 

In  1905,  while  commanding  the  Department  of  the  East,  he 
said : 

“It  is  my  belief  that  fully  75  per  cent,  of  these  trials  (court  mar- 
tialed)  were  due  to  the  use  of  bad  liquor  dispensed  to  our  soldiers  by 
persons  who  conduct  dens  of  vice  in  the  vicinity  of  military  posts. 
These  depraved  creatures,  and  lewd  women,  use  every  device  in  their 
power  to  induce  the  soldier  to  patronize  their  brothels,  where  those 
who  yield  to  temptation  are  frequently  drugged  and  robbed.  It  is 
distressing  that  the  prosperity  of  the  keepers  of  vile  resorts  is  due  to 
the  activity  of  good  and  worthy,  though  misguided  citizens  who  have 
succeeded  in  abolishing  the  Canteen  in  the  Army.  With  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Canteen,  which  was  the  soldier’s  club,  the  influence 
of  these  demoralizing  resorts  near  army  posts  would  be  greatly  re- 
duced and  many  of  them  would  disappear.” 

In  1906,  while  commanding  the  Department  of  the  East,  he 
said : 

“After  another  year’s  study  ...  I am  convinced  that  I under- 
estimated the  proportion.  ...  I now  believe  that  no  less  than  90 
per  cent,  of  all  the  troubles  that  occur  in  the  Army  are  due  to  the 
use  of  liquor.” 


9 


General  Corbin  (see  War  Department  Reports  1906,  vol.  3,  p. 
75),  said : 

"It  would  seem  unnecessary  to  argue,  to  a fair-minded  person,  the 
superiority  of  a system  which  provides  a mild  alcoholic  beverage  at 
reasonable  cost  in  moderate  quantities,  under  strict  military  control, 
to  one  which  results  in  luring  the  soldier  away  from  his  barracks  to 
neighboring  dives  where  his  body  and  soul  are  poisoned  by  vile 
liquors,  with  the  accompanying  vice  of  harlotry,  and  where  his  money 
is  taken  from  him  by  gamblers  and  thieves.”  • 

In  1903,  General  Young,  then  in  command  of  the  Army,  says: 

“Reports  received  from  officers  of  all  grades  . . . exhibit  prac- 

tical unanimity  of  opinion  as  to  the  evil  effects  of  this  restriction 
(the  law  under  discussion),  . . . in  increased  drunkenness;  in 

loathsome  diseases  contracted  by  men  while  under  the  influence  of  a 
bad  or  drugged  liquor;  in  increased  desertions  from  drunkenness  from 
the  same  causes;  the  men  while  in  a drugged  condition  being  robbed 
by  thier  brazen  associates  of  both  sexes  and  for  this  reason  reluctant 
to  return  to  their  posts.” 

In  1904-5,  General  Chaffee,  than  whom  no  more  sane,  con- 
servative and  experienced  officer  ever  drew  sword,  rising  as  he 
did,  through  merit,  from  the  ranks  to  the  position  of  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  Army,  states  in  his  report  for  1904 : 

"These  desertions  can  be  in  large  part  attributed  to  the  malign 
influence  of  saloons  and  brothels  situated  near  the  reservations, 
seducing  enlisted  men  from  the  paths  of  decency.  The  Canteen 
provided  places  of  amusement  and  social  intercourse  where  men 
could  get  light  refreshments  under  restraining,  decent  and  orderly 
influences.  If  men  are  unable  to  get  a glass  of  beer  in  a decent  and 
orderly  manner  in  the  garrison  they  will  resort  to  the  vile  brothels 
which  cluster  around  the  borders  of  the  reservations,  where  they 
drink  all  manner  of  alcoholic  beverages  and  often  sink  into  de- 
bauchery and  ruin.  With  the  beginning  of  the  work  on  the  addition 
to  the  post  of  Fort  Sam  Houston  it  is  observed  that  the  prices  of 
business  property  immediately  in  the  rear  of  the  new  reservation 
have  materially  advanced  and  that  arrangements  are  already  being 
made  for  the  construction  of  the  usual  assortment  of  saloons  and 
dives  that  the  virtual  abolition  of  the  Canteen  feature  of  the  Post 
Exchange  has  made  a universal  accompaniment  of  every  military 
post.  I think  it  is  beyond  question  that  permission  to  sell  beer  in 
the  Post  Exchange  would  drive  out  of  business  at  least  two-thirds  of 
the  lower  resorts  in  the  vicinity  of  posts.” 

If  the  liquor  prohibition  law  possesses  any  virtue  whatever,  it 
should  be  shown  in  the  prohibition  State  of  Maine,  the  home  of 
Mr.  Littlefield,  the  Congressional  sponsor  of  the  Anti-Canteen 
Bill.  Congress  prohibited  the  sale  of  beer  in  the  Old  Soldiers’ 
Homes  in  1906.  Let  me  quote  from  the  report  of  General  Rich- 
ards, Governor  of  the  National  Home  for  Disabled  Volunteer 
Soldiers,  Togus,  Maine,  made  the  following  year  to  the  Hon. 


10 


James  A.  Tawney,  M.  C.  and  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Appropriations  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  at  Washington 
D.  C.: 

“It  will  be  noted  that  the  number  of  trials,  both  for  absence 
without  leave  and  for  drunkenness,  during  the  period  from  March  4 
to  December  1,  1907,  is  greater  than  the  number  of  trials  for  the  same 
offense  during  the  period  from  March  4 to  December  1,  1906.  An  ex- 
amination of  the  record  of  the  trials  for  absence  without  leave,  in 
individual  cases,  discloses  the  fact  that,  in  very  many  instances,  the 
absence  without  leave  is  the  result  of  a debauch  in  some  brothel  or 
dive  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Branch,  or  in  the  neighboring  cities,  where 
the  absentee  is  often  found  in  jail,  or  to  have  remained  away  mum 
at  least  partially  sober  in  order  to  avoid  trial  for  drunkenness,  pre- 
ferring to  be  convicted  of  the  less  serious  offense  of  absence  without 
leave.  The  most  significant  fact,  however,  in  connection  with  the 
closing  of  the  beer  hall  is  its  effect  upon  the  health  of  the  members. 
That  one  such  debauch  far  more  seriously  affects  the  health  of  the 
veteran  than  a continued  moderate  use  of  beer  is  shown  by  an  ‘exam- 
ination of  the  hospital  records,  which  show  that  the  percentage  of 
cases  of  acute  alcoholism  to  the  whole  number  treated  during  the 
period  from  March  4,  1906,  to  November  1,  1906,  was  13  1 while  the 
percentage  from- March  4,  1907,  to  November  1,  1907,  was  24.6. 

The  difficulties  of  maintaining  proper  discipline  at  the  Branch  have 
been  largely  increased  since  the  abolition  of  the  beer  hall.  The 
number  of  saloons  and  other  resorts  which  have  been  established  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  Home  since-,  and  as  a result  of  the  anti-Canteen 
provision  of  the  appropriation  act,  can  not  be  positively  stated  be- 
cause, this  being  a prohibition  state,  all  such  places  attempt  to  work 
secretly.  Observation'  would  indicate,  however,  that  the  number 
has  more  than  doubled,  and  that  all  of  them  -are  far  more  prosperous 
There  are  now  places  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Home  to  which  the 
members  resorts,  in  large  numbers,  and  to  all  appearances  for  no 
other  purpose  than  to  obtain  intoxicating  liquors.  This  liquor  sold 
m spite  _of  the  prohibitory  law  of  the  state,  is  of  the  vilest  character 
and  its  injurious  effects  upon  those  who  drink  it  can  hardly  be  over- 
estimated. Pocket  peddlers  .are  numerous,  and  the  State  authorities 
seem  to  be  utterly  unable  to  suppress  them..  Soipe  of  them  have  be- 
come so  bold  as  to  attempt  to  ply  their  nefarious  trade  within  the 
limits  of  the  reservation.  It  'is  earnestly  to  be  hoped  that  success 
may  attend  the  efforts  to  secure  the  restoration  of  the  beer  hall  to 
the  Soldiers’  Home.  Near  at  hand  and  every-day  observation  of  the 
Home,  both  before  and  since  the  abolition  of  the  beer  hall,  conclu- 
sively demonstrates  that  its  closing  at  the  Plomes  is  a step  backward 
m the  cause  of  temperance,  and  an  injury  to  the  best  interests,  happi- 
ness and  welfare  of  the  veterans  who  are  the  wards  of' the  Govern- 
ment.” 

' Also,  extract  from  the  report  of  the  Rev.  Henry  S.  Burt-age , 
Chaplain  of  the  Home,  made  to  the  President  of  the  Board  "of 
Managers,  July  20,  1906: 

“I  becaxhe  an  officer  of  this  Branch  January  I.  1905,  and  accord- 
ingly know  only  by  report  concerning  the  conditions  ’ of  things  at 
Togus  before  the  establishment  of  the  beer  hall.  Those  who  were 


11 


here  in  that  earlier  day — including  Major  A.  L.  Smith,  Treasurer  of 
the  Branch — say  that  there  was  then  much  more  drunkenness  than 
there  has  been  since  the  beer  hall  was  established.  Not  a single 
case  of  drunkenness  occasioned  by  drinking  beer  has  come  under  my 
notice  during  my  connection  with  the  Branch,  while  I have  witnessed 
a large  number  of  cases  of  drunkenness  on  the  part  of  members 
of  the  Home  who  have  obtained  intoxicating  drink  in  Gardiner  or 
Augusta,  or  from  pocket  peddlers  or  from  places  where  liquor  is 
sold  outside  of  the  reservation.  Accordingly,  although  a prohibition- 
ist in  sentiment,  I have  come  during  my  residence  here  to  regard 
the  beer  hall  as  the  best  restrictive  measure  for  the  men  connected 
with  the  Home,  mostly  old  men,  sixty,  seventy,  eighty  and  ninety 
years  of  age,  who  have  long  been  accustomed  to  the  use  of  intoxi- 
cating liquors.  It  seems  to  me  much  better  to  provide  these  men 
with  beer  under  the  restrictions  that  have  been  established  by  the 
Home  than  it  is  practically  to  send  them  outside  of  the  reservation 
to  satisfy  their  appetites  in  other  places  and  in  other  ways.  In  my 
judgment,  therefore,  the  beer  hall  is  a restrictive  measure  in  so  far 
as  it  provides  a beverage  that  is  very  much  less  harmful  than  the 
strong  liquors  the  men  seek  elsewhere  as  our  court  records  show — 
and  by  which  they  are  made  disorderly  and  in  some  cases  even 
beast-like. 

“I  wish  the  old  soldiers  would  not  drink  even  beer.  But  if  we 
can  not  have  the  ideal  thing — and  I am  satisfied  that  we  can  not— 
I think  we  should  seek  to  have  what  is  the  next  best  thing.  For 
the  reasons  given  above,  therefore,  I am  of  the  opinion  that  it  would 
be  better  to  allow  the  beer  hall  rather  than  to  banish  it  from  the 
National  Home  for  Disabled  Volunteer  Soldiers.” 

Testimony  of  this  character  may  be  obtained  from  the  Officers 
of  every  National  Soldiers’  Home  in  the  country. 

The  avowed  purpose  of  the  abolition  of  the  Canteen  was  to 
“increase  the  efficiency  of  the.  U.  S.  military  establishment.”  What 
it  has  accomplished  and  what  it  is  accomplishing,  is  to  increase 
drunkenness,  insanity,  desertion,  discontent,  dishonesty  and  dis- 
ease. These  facts  may  furnish  a subject  for  reflection  for  those 
who  were  instrmental  in  bringing  about  this  lamentable  change. 

I was  in  the  Philippine  Islands  in  1900.  The  record  of  the 
summary  Court  of  the  12th  U.  S.  Infantry  shows  that  during 
February  and  March,  1900,  at  the  Paniqui,  there  were  between 
70  and  90  trials  by  court-martial  for  each  month.  Four-fifths  of 
the  offences  were  “intoxication  from  vino.”  A Canteen  was 
established  in  the  latter  part  of  March.  Aften  then  and  until 
February,  1901,  there  were  never  more  than  twenty  trials  in 
any  month,  and  in  one  month  the  number  was  reduced  to 
eight.  The  record  shows  no  more  than  two  cases  of  “vino  intox- 
ication” in  any  month.  The  company  commanders’  reports 
show  that  there  were  but  eight  total  abstainers  in  the  regiment. 
A personal  inspection  of  the  troops  stationed  at  Peking  during  the 
Boxer  War,  1901 , showed  over  50  per  cent,  of  all  patients  under 
treatment  were  for  venereal  diseases.  This  alarming  factor 


12 


in  connection  with  the  subject  of  the  Canteen  must  be  seriously 
considered.  This  disease  always  claims  a large  proportion  of 
patients  in  a military  hospital,  but  since  the  abolition  of  the  Can- 
teen the  percentage  of  these  cases  has  almost  doubled.  When 
the  W.  C.  T.  U.  realizes  that  the  result  of  the  abolition  of  the 
Post  Exchange  has  produced  this  enormous  increase  of  wretched- 
ness in  the  Army  Hospitals,  I believe  it  will  work  as  earnestly 
for  the  restoration  of  the  Canteen  as  it  did  for  its  abolition.  A 
prominent  U.  S.  Army  officer  in  Peking,  under  date  of  July  9th, 
1901,  and  after  the  Canteen  had  been  abolished,  wrote  me: 

“The  W.  C.  T.  U.  would  have  no  fault  to  find  with  the  post  here. 
The  men  go  outside  and  get  drunk  on  sam  shui  in  town,  and  go  to 
sleep  in  back  yards  and  other  worse  places,  but  the  sanctity  of  the 
Government  reservation  is  maintained.  The  Germans  have  a bier 
halle  on  the  wall  at  Hartaman  Gate.  The  Japanese  have  their  Can- 
teen. The  British  have  one  in  their  grounds  and  bring  their  beer 
to  their  tables.  The  French  soldier  has  his  little  bottle,  of  wine  at 
dinner.  We  alone  are  virtuous.  We  are  the  advocates  of  reform. 
We  are  the  great  hypocritical  hippodrome — none  like  us.” 

The  curse  of  the  Army  is  the  groggeries  and  brothels  that 
flourish  near  the  outskirts  of  the  Posts.  An  official  report  on 
file  in  the  Adjutant-General’s  office  says: 

“Around  the  reservation  at  Fort  Wingate  in  1889  a number  of 
little  rum-shops  thrived  on  the  earnings  and  weaknesses  of  the 
soldiers.  Here,  crime  and  debauchery  thrived,  and  after  each  pay 
day  patrols  were  required  to  literally  drag  our  soldiers  from  the 
clutches  of  the  keepers  of  these  dens.  The  Guard  House  was  always 
full  in  consequence  of  drunkards  and  absentees  from  duties,  as  well 
as  those  who  had  committed  themselves  in  other  ways,  traced  to 
the  demoralizing  effects,  of  the  soldiers’  innate  craving  after  amuse- 
ment and  tipple  of  some  character.  The  exchange  system  did  away 
with  all  this.  Those  of  us  who  were  prejudiced  against  what  was 
termed  a Government  bar-room  found  the  benefits  of  the  new  system 
so  startling  that  it  could  not  be  combated.” 

The  frightfully  high  percentage  of  venereal  diseases  in  the 
Army  is  one  of  the  most  distressing  factors  connected  with  the 
abolition  of  the  Canteen.  The  increase  has  been  almost  in  con- 
stant ratio.  I saw  this  in  Porto  Rico  after  the  Spanish-American 
war : 57  of  the  93  patients  in  one  hospital  suffering  from  this 
disease  alone.  Medical  officers  of  the  Army  state  that  since  the 
abolition  of  the  Canteen  the  percentage  of  these  cases  has  almost 
doubled.  Personal  observation  in  the  U.  S.  military  hospitals 
of  Porto  Rico  and  Cuba  during  and  since  the  Spanish-American 
War,  in  China  during  the  Boxer  riots,  in  the  Philippines  and  in 
other  places  where  onr  troops  were  stationed  confirms  this  view. 

In  1889,  prior  to  the  introduction  of  the  Canteen,  the  admission 
to  hospitals  for  venereal  diseases  was  84.66  per  thousand  ; in  1893, 


13 


after  the  Canteen  was  established,  it  was  reduced  to  73.8  per 
thousand.  In  1901  the  Canteen  was  abolished,  and  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  in  an  address  before  the  tVssociation  of  U.  S.  Military 
Surgeons,  I pointed  out  in  no  uncertain  language  the  danger  to 
the  Army  from  the  great  increase  of  venereal  diseases  likely  to 
follow  this  abolition,  but  nothing  was  done  to  restore  the  Can- 
teen. 

Three  years  later,  the  admission  from  venereal  disease  had 
increased  to  200.34  per  thousand,  and  last  year,  1910,  the  Sur- 
geon-General in  his  report,  says  : 

“The  venereal  peril  has  come  to  outweigh  in  importance  any  other 
sanitary  question  which  now  confronts  the  Army,  and  neither  our 
national  optimism  nor  the  Anglo-Saxon  disposition  to  ignore  a sub- 
ject which  is  offensive  to  public  prudery  can  longer  excuse  a frank 
and  honest  confrontation  of  the  problem.” 

In  1910  there  were  14,640  hospital  admissions  from  this  cause 
alone,  or  about  20  per  cent. — one-fifth  of  the  total  enlisted  strength 
of  the  Army.  The  report  continues : “An  increase  not  only  over 
the  preceding  year,  but  over  any  other  year  of  which  there  is 
record  except  1905.  These  figures  are  out  of  all  proportion  to 
those  which  obtain  in  the  European  armies.” 

When  the  Canteen  was  maintained  men  drank  less,  were  sur- 
rounded by  better  influences  and  returned  to  their  reading  rooms 
or  other  quarters  sober  and  contented.  When  it  was  abolished 
they  procured  their  liquor  away  from  their  posts  and  left  the  rum- 
holes  for  the  brothels.  When  the  misguided  enthusiasts  of  the 
W.  C.  T.  U.  stop  to  reflect  that  the  result  of  their  influence  in 
inducing  Congress  to  abolish  the  Post  Canteen  has  contributed 
more  than  any  other  cause  to  the  production  of  this  enormous  in- 
crease of  wretchedness  in  army  hospitals  and  made  many  a hus- 
band, father  or  lover  the  victim  of  this  degrading  disease,  and  a 
focus  of  infection  for  its  spread  after  the  expiration  of  his  en- 
listment, they  may  indulge  in  less  self-congratulation,  and  con- 
clude to  cease  interfering  with  institutions  about  which  they  are 
so  hopelessly  ignorant.  In  killing  a mouse  they  re- 
surrected a monster.  Well  may  the  poor  soldier  remark,  “De- 
liver me  from  my  friends,  and  I will  take  care  of  my  enemies.” 
Nor  has  this  meddlesome  interference  ceased  its  diabolical  work 
even  with  this  record.  Grave  as  it  is,  there  is  still  another,  almost 
equally  bad.  A new  evil,  almost  unheard  of  prior  to  the  abolition 
of  the  Canteen,  has  fastened  its  fangs  upon  many  of  the  Unfor- 
tunates of  the  Army.  As  stated  before,  when  deprived  of  stim- 
ulants in  one  way,  they  obtain  them  in  another.  I have  it  on  no 
less  authority  than  the  present  Surgeon-General  of  the  United 
States  Army  that  the  use  of  opium  and  cocaine  has  increased  to 


14 


alarming  proportions  in  the  service.  It  is  very  difficult  to  prevent 
the  introduction  of  contraband  stimulants  of  this  character,  be- 
cause they  are  so  easily  smuggled  by  the  peddler  or  by  the  soldier 
when  on  pass.  But  numerous  instances  of  the  effect  of  these 
deleterious  drugs  are  being  reported. 

Some  years  ago  it  was  my  privilege  to  read  a paper  on  the  Can- 
teen before  an  association  composed  exclusively  of  Army  medi- 
cal officers,  and  after  a full  and  free  discussion  by  those  present, 
to  submit  the  following  preamble  and  resolution,  which  were 
unanimously  adopted : 

“Whereas,  the  Association  of  Military  Surgeons  of  the  United 
States,  now  in  session  at  St.  Paul,  recognizes  that  the  abolition  of 
the  Army  Post  Exchange  or  Canteen  has  resulted,  and  must  inev- 
itably result,  in  an  increase  of  intemperance,  insubordination,  dis- 
content, desertion  and  disease  in  the  Army,  therefore,  be  it 

“Resolved,  That  this  body  deplores  the  action  of  Congress  in  abol- 
ishing the  said  Post  Exchange  or  Canteen,  and,  in  the  interests  of 
sanitation,  morality  and  discipline,  recommends  its  re-establishment 
at  the  earliest  possible  date." 

Some  time  later,  at  a meeting  of  the  American  Medical  Asso- 
ciation, representing  nearly  30,000  leading  medical  men  of  this 
country  and  Canada,  I presented  the  same  resolution  and  it  was 
adopted  without  a dissenting  voice.  At  a reunion  of  the  veterans 
of  the  Porto  Rican  Expedition  the  same  unanimity  of  opinion 
prevailed.  And  at  a meeting  of  the  American  Public  Health  As- 
sociation, Congress  was  memorialized,  in  the  same  language,  to 
restore  the  Army  Canteen.  I also  presented  these  same  resolu- 
tions before  the  New  York  Academy  of  Medicine,  the  New  York 
State,  and  County  Medical  Associations,  and  the  American 
Society  for  Social  and  Moral  Prophylaxis,  all  of  which  societies 
or  associations  adopted  them  with  equal  unanimity. 

Is  cumulative  expert  testimony  of  this  character,  which  could 
be  multiplied  by  volumes  and  by  appalling  figures,  and  supported 
by  the  endorsement  of  every  Commander-in-Chief  the  Army  has 
had  since  the  Canteen  was  established,  as  well  as  of  all  medical 
officers,  and  officers’  wives — those  heroic  women  who  in  frontier 
outposts  or  in  our  distant  possessions  come  in  daily  contact  with 
the  soldier — of  Army  Chaplains,  and  of  Governors  of  Old  Sol- 
diers’ Homes,  to  be  ignored?  Have  not  the  communities  near 
garrison  posts  some  rights  which  the  Government  is  bound  to  re- 
spect? Must  the  wives  and  daughters  of  officers  be  subjected  to 
the  environment  of  debauchery  that  grows  up  near  the  camps 
when  the  Canteens  are  abolished?  And  is  the  Army  to  continue 
to  be  governed  by  this  demoralizing  law  ? Its  avowed  purpose 
was  “to  increase  the  efficiency  of  the  U.  S.  military  establish- 


15 


ment its  effect  has  been  to  increase  intemperance,  disease  and 
desertion.  It  has  embittered  the  men  and  driven  them  to  the  very 
excesses  sought  to  be  abolished.  You  can  not  legislate  men  to  be 
virtuous  or  to  be  total  abstainers,  but  you  can  by  judicious 
handling  promote  chastity  and  temperance. 

In  a recent  conversation  with  one  of  the  most  prominent  Jus- 
tices of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York,  himself  temperate 
almost  to  the  extent  of  total  abstinence,  he  said : 

“It  is  the  general  sentiment  of  the  country  that  there  is  far  more 
vicious  drinking  in  the  State  of  Maine  to-day  than  in  any  other  State 
of  the  Union,  and  it  is  the  direct  result  of  the  prohibitory  principle. 
The  country  condemns  the  law  as  most  pernicious  in  its  effect.  No 
vice  is  more  demoralizing  or  undermining  in  its  influence  than  secret 
vice.  It  encourages  excess,  deceit  and  dishonor  and  is  more  degen- 
erating than  the  most  flagrant,  open  exhibition.” 

In  the  Army,  the  Canteen  led  the  hard  drinker  to  less  indul- 
gence and  removed  the  temptation  which  always  clings  to  for- 
bidden fruit.  It  fostered  moderation,  and  its  abolition  angered 
the  men.  They  felt  it  as  an  insult  to  their  manhood  and  a de- 
privation of  their  natural  rights.  They  will  drink  if  they  wish, 
and  they  resent  the  attempt  to  prevent  them.  A glass  or  two 
of  beer  is  not  injurious  and  they  know  it,  and  they  sneeringly 
criticise  Congressmen,  the  paid  servants  of  the  government,  who 
retain  their  well-patronized  cloak  room  with  its  private  stock  of 
good  whiskey,  but  who  rob  the  soldier — other  paid  servants  of 
the  same  government — of  their  right  to  take  a glass  of  beer  on 
their  camp  grounds  in  their  well-disciplined  and  orderly  Canteen. 
And  who  will  gainsay  the  justice  of  this  conclusion? 

In  restoring  the  Canteen,  as  the  bill  recently  introduced  by  the 
Hon.  Richard  Bartholdt  seeks  to  do,  and  placing  the  responsi- 
bility for  the  morale  and  discipline  of  the  Army  in  the  hands  of 
those  properly  delegated  to  administer  its  affairs,  Congress  will 
right  what  has  been  proved  a dismal  failure  and  serious  wrong; 
and  to  some  extent  restore  its  own  dignity  which  has  so  yielded 
to  the  clamor  of  ignorant  fanaticism. 


16 


/0/^A?  . ' 


Shall  the  Treaty  of  Peace  Be  One  of  Justice  or  One  of 
Infamy? 

BY 

MAJ.  LOUIS  LIVINGSTON  SEAMAN, 

PRESIDENT  EMERITUS  OF  THE  CHINA  SOCIETY 
OF  AMERICA. 


Read  as  a part  of  the  speech  of  Senator  Beandegee,  of  Connecticut, 
in  the  United  States  Senate. 


Mr.  BRANDEGEE.  Mr.  President,  I read  a document  by 
Maj.  Louis  Livingston  Seaman,  M.  D.,  LL.  D.,  F.  R.  G.  S., 
president  emeritus  of  the  China  Society  of  America,  entitled 
“An  Appeal  to  Members  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States — 
Shall  the  Treaty  of  Peace  be  one  of  Justice  or  one  of  Infamy?  ” 
“ Shall  the  Treaty  of  Peace  Be  One  of  Justice  or  One  of  Infamy? 

“ That  is  the  question  the  United  States  is  now  called  upon  to 
consider,  and  the  destiny  of  nations  hangs  on  the  decision. 
America  entered  the  Great  War  as  the  champion  of  smaller  na- 
tions— to  preserve  the  independence  of  imperiled  countries,  and 
to  rescue  civilization  from  barbarism.  From  its  birth  our  Re- 
public has  stood  for  the  rights  of  the  oppressed.  Our  ideals 
have  been  for  liberty  and  justice.  Our  great  civil  conflict  re- 
moved the  blot  of  slaiury  from  our  land — our  Spanish  cam- 
paign gave  freedom  and  prosperity  and  happiness  to  an  enslaved 
people  in  Cuba  and  in  the  Philippines,  and  our  compensation  for 
the  sacrifice  was  the  gratification  of  our  ideals.  We  acknowl- 
edged no  masters,  and  we  do  not  propose  to. 

“ The  problem  to-day  is  the  ratification  of  the  peace  treaty 
with  the  Huns  and  the  creation  of  a league  of  nations.  Shall 
the  Fourth  of  July,  1919,  pass  into  history  as  the  last  anniversary 
of  American  independence?  Shall  we,  by  agreeing  to  article  10 
of  the  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations  surrender  our  sover- 
eignty gained  in  1776,  to  Great  Britain,  who  by  a vote  of  six  to 
one,  can  impose  upon  us  the  incalculable  obligation  of  preserv- 
ing the  territorial  integrity  and  political  independence  of  her- 
self or  any  member  of  the  league  of  nations  in  any  part  of  the 
globe?  Are  we  prepared  to  submit  our  traditional  attitude 
regarding  purely  American  questions  to  a tribunal  in  which 
we  are  in  such  a hopeless  minority  or  in  which  the  vote  of  New 
Zealand  could  count  as  equal  to  our  own?  Shades  of  Wash- 
ington and  Jefferson ! What  would  be  their  verdict  if  they 
could  witness  the  depths  to  which  our  land  has  been  dragged 
in  order  to  gratify  the  personal  ambition  and  egotism  of  the 
‘ too  proud  to  fight  ’ pacifist  who  in  the  peace  conference  at 
Paris  has  been  so  hopelessly  outwitted  by  trained  European  and 
oriental  diplomacy  that  to-day  he  is  the  laughingstock  of 
143009—20013 


4 


subjected  to  a series  of  squeezes  aud  despoilment  of  her  terri- 
tory to  an  extent  unequaled  in  history.  The  iniquitous  indem- 
nities wrung  from  her  as  the  result  of  the  Boxer  campaign 
would  have  been  reversed,  and  the  countries  now  receiving 
them  would  be  paying  for  the  outrages  committed  had  right 
instead  of  might  prevailed.  The  powerful  governments  and 
financial  institutions  doing  business  in  the  Orient  have  become 
obsessed  with  the  idea  that  it  is  legitimate  business  to  ‘ squeeze  ’ 
the  country,  regardless  of  right  or  justice,  and  in  transferring 
the  so-called  German  rights  in  Shantung  to  Japan  the  Big 
Three  are  to-day  continuing  that  policy,  and  making  our  coun- 
try, the  United  States,  underwriters  to  the  unholy  deal. 

“ The  effect  upon  China  of  the  spoliation  of  her  territory  and 
finances  created  among  the  leading  minds  of  her  people  an  ap- 
preciation of  her  weakness  and  of  the  necessity  for  the  adop- 
tion of  occidental  methods  for  self-protection.  They  saw  the 
absolute  imbecility  of  continuing  the  policy  of  the  Manchu 
dynasty,  and  the  necessity  for  a change  of  government  and  the 
Chinese  Republic  became  a reality.  The  character  of  the  revo- 
lution which  made  it  possible  was  remarkable.  It  obtained  the 
maximum  of  liberty  with  the  minimum  of  bloodshed.  It  was 
an  evolution  rather  than  a revolution,  the  most  potent  factors 
of  which  were  those  of  peace  and  not  of  war.  They  were  the 
results  of  trade  with  foreign  nations,  the  importation  of  modern 
inventions,  railroads,  telegraphs,  newspapers ; the  work  of  Chris- 
tian missionaries,  schools  and  colleges  established  by  them ; 
but,  most  of  all,  the  influence  of  Chinese  students  who  had  been 
educated  in  foreign  universities,  and  who  carried  back  to  their 
native  land  the  high  ideals  of  occidental  government.  In  com- 
parison with  the  epoch-making  wars  for  freedom  in  occidental 
lands — the  French  Revolution,  England’s  fight  for  the  Magna 
Charta,  or  our  own  great  seven  years’  struggle  for  independ- 
ence— the  Chinese  revolution  was  almost  bloodless.  It  is  stated 
that  the  total  mortality  of  the  war  which  secured  the  emanci- 
pation of  400,000,000  of  people  was  less  than  the  number  lost  in 
the  Battle  of  the  Wilderness  or  in  single  conflicts  in  the  war 
just  concluded. 

“ The  moderation  shown  by  the  successful  leaders  to  their 
late  rulers  was  another  striking  characteristic.  Instead  of  the 
guillotine  or  exile,  they  were  retired  with  liberal  pensions  and 
allowed  to  retain  their  empty  titles.  The  leaders  enjoined  upon 
their  followers  the  protection  of  life  and  property,  both  commer- 
cial and  missionary,  and  these  orders  were  strictly  obeyed. 

“A  people  who  carried  to  a successful  termination  such  a 
revolution  deserve  the  respect  and  recognition  of  the  world  in 
their  present  great  crisis.  The  enemies  and  looters  of  China  to- 
day forget  the  traditions  of  the  race — that  China  was  old  when 
Chaldea  and  Babylon  were  young;  that  she  saw  the  rise  and 
fall  of  Grecian  and  Roman  civilization ; and  that  she  has  main- 
tained the  integrity  and  honor  of  her  Government  ever  since; 
that  her  scholars  discovered  the  compass  and  invented  the  in- 
tellectual game  of  chess  when  the  Huns  of  Europe  and  the 
Japanese  were  groveling  in  the  darkness  of  medievalism ; that 
she  produced  her  own  science,  literature,  art,  philosophy,  and 
religion,  whose  founder,  Confucius,  500  years  before  the  birth 
of  Christ,  expounded  the  doctrine  of  Christianity  in  the  saying, 
143009—20013 


5 


‘ Do  not  do  unto  others  what  you  would  not  have  others  do 
unto  you.”  They  forget  that  for  nearly  a thousand  years  China 
has  been  nearer  a democracy  in  many  features  of  its  govern- 
ment than  any  other  government  then  in  existence.  The  funda- 
mental unit  of  democracy,  the  foundation  upon  which  our  own 
Government  rests,  is  embodied  in  the  principle  of  the  New  Eng- 
land town  meeting.  All  authorities  on  democracy — De  Tocque- 
ville,  Bryce,  and  the  Compte  de  Paris — agree  in  this,  and  in 
China  all  local  government  for  centuries  has  been  controlled  by 
local  authorities. 

“ The  Chinese  have  never  sought  territorial  aggrandizement 
but  have  loved  the  paths  of  peace,  where  the  law  of  moral 
suasion,  and  not  of  might,  ruled.  They  possess  qualities  of  in- 
dustry, economy,  temperance,  and  tranquillity  unsurpassed  by 
any  nation  on  earth.  With  these  qualities  they  are  in  the  great 
race  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest  to  stay.  They  are  to  be  feared 
by  foreign  nations  more  for  their  virtues  than  for  their  vices, 
and  in  their  present  struggle  for  the  maintenance  of  their  ter- 
ritory they  deserve  our  earnest  sympathy  and  support.  Will 
America,  the  champion  of  justice,  now  desert  that  grand  old 
country  and  witness  its  vivisection  when  we  have  the  power  to 
prevent  it? 

“ The  Japanese  claim  their  country  is  overcrowded  and  they 
require  more  room  for  their  increasing  population.  Is  this  a 
legitimate  reason  that  the  450,000,000  Chinese  should  be  crowded 
out  of  the  land  in  which  they  have  lived  for  6,000  years?  Is 
China  to  become  a second  Honolulu,  where  60  per  cent  of  the 
population  are  Japanese? 

“Japan  has  already  been  rewarded  many  times  for  her  con- 
tribution to  the  victory  of  the  Allies  in  being  relieved  of  the 
threatening  danger  from  Germany,  which  when  in  possession 
of  Kiaochow  strategetically  commanded  the  Japanese  Sea,  and 
where  a strong  navy  would  be  a perpetual  menace,  and  also  by 
the  award  of  the  rich  islands  north  of  the  Equator,  which  seem  to 
be  forgotten  when  this  subject  is  discussed. 

“ Dr.  David  Jayne  Hill,  our  former  ambassador  to  Germany, 
stated  in  the  North  American  Review  that  t-he  Senate  ‘ can 
ratify  the  treaty  of  peace  and  at  the  same  time  can  reject  a 
compact  for  the  league  of  nations.’  We  hope  the  Senate  will 
exercise  its  constitutional  right  and  defeat  the  creation  of  any 
league  which  is  founded  upon  such  monstrous  injustice  to  a 
land  which  so  richly  deserves  our  protection,  but  which  Mr. 
Wilson,  who  recognized  it  as  a republic,  has  deserted. 

“Defeated  and  made  a laughingstock  by  the  diplomacy  of 
Lloyd-George  and  the  Japanese,  who,  to  use  the  language  of  the 
street,  ‘ put  it  all  over  him  ’ while  I was  in  Paris  in  the  last 
days  of  the  peace  congress  through  the  bluff  of  recognizing  no 
color  distinctions  in  the  league  of  nations— Wilson,  after  urg- 
ing the  participation  of  China  in  the  war,  deliberately  reversed 
his  position — granted  rights  that  never  existed  to  Japan  and, 
to  save  his  face,  now  seeks  to  have  his  action  indorsed  by  the 
American  people.  Was  such  a travesty  of  injustice  ever  at- 
tempted before,  and  does  he  think  he  can  ‘ fool  all  the  American 
people  all  of  the  time,’  including  the  United  States  Senate? 

“ The  covenant  of  the  league  of  nations  is  presumed  to  be  based 
upon  equity.  When  I studied  law,  the  first  axiom  in  that  court 
143009—20013 


8 


War,  when  we  were  discussing  the  danger  from  the  prolonged 
presence  of  the  allied  armies  in  China.  ‘ Oh,’  he  said,  ‘ (hey  will 
not  stay  long.’  ‘Well,’  I replied,  ‘the  Manchus  remained  some 
time — nearly  300  years.’  ‘ What  is  300  years  in  the  life  of 
China?’  was  his  answer.  And  in  that  time  the  Manchus  had 
been  absorbed. 

“ In  the  comparatively  recent  Ty  Ping  rebellion  the  mortality 
amounted  to  over  15,000,000.  If  the  military  awakening  of 
China  occurs  as  a result  of  the  wrongs  to  which  it  has  been  sub- 
jected by  the  peace  commission  the  war  that  will  follow  and  the 
mortality  that  will  result  will  be  without  precedent. 

“ Query : As  a starter  for  perpetual  peace,  is  the  United  States 
prepared  to  assume  this  responsibility?  And  is  a league  of  na- 
tions based  on  such  a damnable,  fraudulent,  and  iniquitous 
foundation  likely  to  serve  as  an  inspiration  for  humanity  and  to 
bring  about  ‘ Peace  on  earth  and  good  will  toward  men  ’? 

“ The  following  resolution  was  passed  as  a recent  meeting  of 
the  American  Defense  Society : 

“ Resolved,  That  the  American  Defense  Society  requests  the  Senate 
not  to  ratify  those  provisions  in  the  peace  treaty  which  convey  to  Japan 
the  rights,  interests,  and  privileges  heretofore  held  in  the  Province  of 
Shantung  by  the  Empire  of  Germany,  and  that  a copy  of  this  resolution 
be  transmitted  to  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations 
of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.” 

143009—20013 


WASHINGTON  I GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE  ' 1919 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS 


HEARINGS 

BEFORE  THE 

COMMITTEE  ON  MILITARY  AFFAIRS 
UNITED  STATES  SENATE 

SIXTY-FIFTH  CONGRESS 

SECOND  SESSION 
ON 

S.  3748 

A BILL  FIXING  THE  GRADES  OF  THE  COMMISSIONED  OFFICERS 
OF  THE  MEDICAL  CORPS  AND  OF  THE  MEDICAL  RESERVE 
CORPS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  ARMY  ON  ACTIVE 
DUTY,  AND  FOR  OTHER  PURPOSES 


SECOND  PRINT 


Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs 


ill 

.Tv 


WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 
1018 


COMMITTEE  ON  MILITARY  AFFAIRS. 


GEO.  E.  CHAMBERLAIN,  of  Oregon,  Chairman. 


GILBERT  M.  HITCHCOCK,  of  Nebraska. 

DUNCAN  U.  FLETCHER,  of  Florida. 

HENRY  L.  MYERS,  of  Montana. 

CHARLES  S.  THOMAS,  of  Colorado. 

MORRIS  SHEPPARD,  of  Texas. 

J.  C.  W.  BECKHAM,  of  Kentucky. 

WILLIAM  F.  KIRBY,  of  Arkansas. . 

JAMES  A.  REED,  of  Missouri. 

KENNETH  D.  McKELLAR,  of  Tennessee. 

Caralyn  B.  Shelton,  Clerk. 

H.  Grant,  Assistant  Cleric. 

Thomas  M.  Daniel,  Assistant  Clerk. 


FRANCIS  E.  WARREN,  of  Wyoming. 

JOHN  W.  WEEKS,  of  Massachusetts. 

JAMES  W.  WADSWORTH,  Jr.,  of  New  York. 
HOWARD  SUTHERLAND,  of  West  Virginia. 
HARRY  S.  NEW,  of  Indiana. 

JOSEPH  S.  FRELINGIIUYSEN,  of  New  Jersey. 


2 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL 
? OFFICERS. 

ChAi  UaW 

V 

FRIDAY,  MARCH  15,  1918. 


United  States  Senate, 
Committee  on  Military  Affairs, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

The  committee  met  at  11  o'clock  a.  m.,  pursuant  to  call  of  the 
chairman,  in  the  committee  room,  Capitol,  Senator  Gilbert  M.  Hitch- 
cock presiding. 

Present:  Senators  Hitchcock  (acting  chairman),  Fletcher,  Myers, 
Beckham,  Reed,  McKellar,  Warren,  Weeks.  "Wadsworth,  Suther- 
land, New,  and  Frelinghuysen,  of  the  committee;  also,  Senator 
Owen. 

The  committee  thereupon  proceeded  to  the  consideration  of  the 
bill  (S.  3748)  fixing  the  grades  of  the  commissioned  officers  of  the 
Medical  Corps  and  of  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  of  the  United 
States  Army  on  active  duty,  and  for  other  purposes.  Said  bill, 
which  was  introduced  by  Senator  Owen  on  February  5,  1918,  is  as 
follows : 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  hereafter  the  commissioned  officers  of  the  Medical 
Corps  and  of  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  of  the  United  States  Army  on  active 
duty  shall  be  distributed  in  the  several  grades  in  the  same  ratios  heretofore 
established  by  law  in  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  United  States  Navy. 

The  Surgeon  General  shall  have  authority  to  designate  as  “ consultants  ” 
officers  of  either  corps  and  relieve  them  as  the  interests  of  the  service  may 
require. 

STATEMENT  OF  MAJ.  GEN.  WILLIAM  C.  GORGAS,  UNITED  STATES 
ARMY,  SURGEON  GENERAL  OF  THE  ARMY. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  This  bill,  General,  provides: 

That  hereafter  the  commissioned  officers  of  the  Medical  Corps  and  of  the 
Medical  Reserve  Corps  of  the  United  States  Army  on  active  duty  shall  be 
|,  distributed  in  the  several  grades  in  the  same  ratios  heretofore  established  by 
law  in  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  United  States  Navy. 

We  do  not  know  what  those  ratios  are.  Will  you  please  explain 

I them  to  us? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  The  ratios  are  given  in  the  documents  we  have  sent 
up  for  the  information  of  the  committee.  Approximately,  our  ratios 
are  these : 

Under  the  law  of  1916  we  get  7 medical  officers  for  every  1,000 
men  in  the  Army.  Those  medical  officers  are  divided  up  in  a cer- 
| tain  ratio. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  That  is,  in  the  Army  you  have  7 medical 
officers  for  every  1,000  enlisted  men? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  For  every  1.000  enlisted  men  we  get  7 commissioned 
medical  officers. 


3 


4 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ABMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Senator  Hitchcock.  Your  position  is  that  7 officers  for  every  1,000 
men  is  not  sufficient  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No;  this  bill  does  not  affect  that  matter,  and  I do  not 
raise  any  question  on  that.  I think  it  is  practically  sufficient.  What 
we  want  is  a greater  ratio  of  commissioned  officers. 

For  every  1,000  men  in  the  Army,  we  get  7 commissioned  officers.. 
What  we  are  driving  at  in  this  bill  is  to  get  those  seven  commissioned 
officers  given  to  us  in  the  same  grades — generals,  colonels,  lieutenant 
colonels,  etc. — that  the  Navy  now  has. 

Senator  Warren.  You  want  a larger  number  of  higher-grade 
officers  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Beckham.  But  not  a larger  number  of  officers  in  the  aggre- 
gate ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Can  you  set  forth  to  the  committee  just  what 
change  that  it  will  make  in  the  various  grades  or  ranks? 

Senator  McKellar.  We  have  one  major  general  now.  How  many 
major  generals  would  there  be  under  this  bill? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  We  have  one  brigadier  general  now,  under  the  law. 
I happen  to  be  major  general  by  act  of  Congress;  but  when  I retire 
or  go  to  any  other  corps,  the  Surgeon  General  will  be  a brigadier  gen- 
eral in  the  Regular  Army.  Of  course  in  the  National  Army,  just  dur- 
ing the  war,  the  temporary  rank  of  major  general  has  been  given  to 
all  heads  of  corps. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Do  you  propose  any  change  in  that  rank  of 
brigadier  general  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No;  we  do  not  propose  any  change  in  that  rank. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  The  rank  (if  brigadier  general-  is  to  be  the 
highest? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No.  The  Navy— — - 

Senator  Warren.  The  Navy  have  two;  have  they  not? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  They  have  two  grades.  For  every  200  men  they 
get  one  general  officer.  Now,  half  those  general'  officers  in  the  ag- 
gregate are  major  generals  and  half  brigadiers. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  How  many  major  generals  would  that  make 
in  the  regular  corps? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Take  our  regular  corps  now.  We  have  700  m4n. 
That  would  give  us  three  general  officers,  one  of  whom  would  be  a 
major  general. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  One  major  general  and  two  brigadiers? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  One  major  general  and  two  brigadiers,  if  the  law  we 
ask  for  were  in  effect  now. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  If  you  had  the  same  regulation  that  the 
Navy  has? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  PIitchcock.  Now,  take  the  next  grade  of  officer.  Howr 
many  of  those  would  there  be? 

Senator  McKellar.  Those  would  be  colonels. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Colonels.  I would  have  to  look  at  the  actual  fig- 
ures. They  are  in  the  papers  somewheres.  About  4 per  cent  of  our 
total  strength  would  be  colonels — something  like  that. 

Senator  McKellar.  Twenty-eight  colonels. 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOR  AEMi'  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


5 


Senator  Warren,  h ou  are  speaking  of  the  Army  as  it  is  now,  in 
active  service;  ancl  then  it  would  increase  proportionately  with  each 
increase  in  the  service? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Warren.  Have  you  figured  what  it  would  be  with  a mil- 
lion men,  or  2,000,000  men? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  is  figured  in  that  paper  there,  and  I have  the  fig- 
ures roughly  in  my  mind,  h ou  see.  it  would  be  7 commissioned 
officers  per  1.000  men.  With  10,000  it  would  be  70,  with  100,000  it 
would  be  700,  and  with  a million  it  would  be  7.000. 

Senator  McKellar.  This  does  not  include  the  Reserve  Corps? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  The  bill? 

Senator  McKellar.  The  bill  does:  but  I mean  the  one  major  gen- 
eral and  two  brigadier  generals? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No. 

Senator  McKellar.  It  is  just  the  regular  establishment? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  is  just  the  regular  establishment. 

Senator  McKellar.  How  many  major  generals  would  there  be  for 
the  Reserve  Corps  and  how  many  brigadier  generals? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  As  we  stand  now,  say  there  are  14.000,  roughly,  on 
active  duty.  One-half  of  1 per  cent  would  be  general  officers.  That 
would  be  1 to  200,  5 to  1,000,  and  for  14,000  it  would  be  70. 

Senator  Warren.  That  would  be  70  altogether,  half  brigadiers  and 
half  major  generals;  would  it? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  McKellar.  It  would  be  35  major  generals  and  35  briga- 
dier generals? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Well,  you  see,  there  is  where  the  authority  asked  for 
would  come  in. 

Senator  McKellar.  But  they  would  hold  the  rank  of  those  two 
officers? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  McKellar.  M hat  about  the  question  of  precedence,  as  I 
suppose  it  might  be  called? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I hey  would  have  precedence  in  accordance  with  the 
dates  of  their  commissions. 

Senator  McKellar.  Then,  a member  of  the  Reserve  Corps  could 
become  Surgeon  General  of  the  Army  in  due  course  of  time? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  He  could.  Of  course,  it  would  be  a matter  of  selec- 
tion by  the  President.  There  would  be  no  bar  to  it,  though. 

Senator  McKellar.  1 here  would  he  no  bar  to  it.  They  would  be 
put  on  exactly  the  same  plane? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  McKellar.  In  other  words,  if  this  bill  is  passed,  instead 
of  having  1 major  general  and  2 brigadier  generals  you  would  have 
36  major  generals  and  37  brigadier  generals? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  In  the  Reserve  Corps? 

Senator  McKellar.  Altogether? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Approximately. 

Senator  Beckham.  That  is  on  the  basis  of  an  Army  of  1,000,000, 
too;  is  it  not? 

Senator  McKellar.  No;  that  is  on  the  present  basis  of  14,000,  as  I 
understand. 


6 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Senator  Warren.  Yes;  but  an  Army  of  1,000,000  men. 

Senator  Owen.  Two  million. 

Senator  Warren.  You  figured  on  a million  men,  did  you  not? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No.  In  giving  the  figures  of  11,000  I gave  what  are 
actually  in  service  now. 

Senator  Warren.  Something  over  1,000,000. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  That  would  be  for  2,000.000  men,  would  it? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  On  the  basis  of  two  medical  officers  to  a thou- 
sand men,  if  you  have  11,000,  you  really  have  enough  officers  now 
for  2,000,000  men? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I think  so. 

Senator  McKellar.  Then  if  you  put  into  active  service  the  other 
5,000  officers  that  you  now  have  in  reserve,  that  have  not  been  put  in, 
that  would  be  20  additional  general  officers? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  If  you  did,  if  you  increased  the  corps  by  that  much; 
but,  of  course,  they  will  probably  be  used  principally  for  replace- 
ment. You  see,  there  are  a large  number  of  men  being  disabled  and 
being  discharged  all  the  time;  and  unless  the  number  of  organiza- 
tions should  be  increased  we  probably  would  not  have  any  great 
increase  in  the  number  of  medical  officers. 

Senator  McKellar.  What  effect  would  it  have  on  the  Dental 
Corps  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  The  Dental  Corps  would  be  affected.  The  present 
lav?  gives  them  the  same  grades  as  the  regular  Medical  Corps. 

Senator  McKellar.  We  would  have  major  generals  and  brigadier 
generals  in  the  Dental  Corps  as  well  as  in  the  Medical  Corps? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes, 

Senator  McKellar.  And  in  the  Veterinary  Corps,  too? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No;  the  Veterinary  Corps  is  fixed. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  General,  that  is  a pretty  serious  matter.  You 
do  not  favor  that,  do  you  ? 

Senator  McKellar.  Do  you  not  think  that  putting  the  Dental 
Corps  in  is  going  a good,  long  step  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I am  not  so  anxious  for  that.  While  the  present 
law  has  worked  in  such  a way  as  to  bring  very  young  men  in  the 
Dental  Corps  rapidly  up  to  very  high  grade,  I think  ultimately  it  is 
going  to  have  a good  effect,  in  attracting  to  the  regular  Dental  Corps 
men  of  a very  much  better  education  and  higher  type  than  we  have 
been  getting  in  the  past. 

Senator  McKellar.  That  would  be  a pretty  good  attraction,  I am 
sure. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I think  we  would  get  the  very  best  men  in  the 
country  then;  but,  you  see,  in  the  future  they  will  not  be  the  very 
young  men  that  are  in  now. 

Senator  McKellar.  How  many  colonels  would  there  be  on  the 
basis  of  an  establishment  of  14,000 — just  roughly? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Approximately  4 per  cent  of  them  would  be  colonels. 

Senator  McKellar.  That  would  be  560? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  would  be  one  twenty-fifth  of  14,000. 

Senator  McKellar.  Five  hundred  and  sixty. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes;  about  560. 

Senator  McKellar.  Five  hundred  and  sixty  colonels,  and  about 
double  that  many  lieutenant  colonels? 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


7 


Gen.  Gorgas.  I do  not  recollect  the  ratio.  It  is  about  the  same,  I 
should  say. 

Senator  McKellar.  That  could  be  easily  figured  out. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  That  is  all  in  the  printed  matter. 

Senator  McKella r.  What  would  be  the  additional  cost  of  the 

bill? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I do  not  think  there  would  be  any  additional  cost. 
You  see.  we  have  now,  under  the  tables  of  organization,  as  a total, 
about  17,000  men  allowed  for  the  Medical  Department-  I do  not 
think  the  matter  of  cost  would  be  very  much  affected.  It  would 
take  more  men  into  the  higher  grades  and  less  men  into  the  lower 
grades. 

Senator  McKellar.  I should  think  there  would  be  a good,  big 
difference  in  the  cost.  Will  you  have  that  figured  out  for  us? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  McKellar.  Just  to  see  how  it  would  work. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Then,  suppose  we  ask  the  general  to  put  into 
the  record  at  this  point  a full  tabulated  statement  showing  in  detail 
the  number  of  officers  of  each  grade  which  this  bill  would  call  for. 
for  a million  men,  and  the  difference  in  cost  between  the  present 
establishment  for  a million  men  and  the  proposed  establishment. 

(The  table  above  requested  was  subsequently  furnished  by  Gen. 
Gorgas,  and  is  as  follows:) 


Table  of  relative  costs  of  officers  in  the  Medical  Corps  based  on  1 per  cent  medi- 
cal officers  (Par.  153,  M.  ill.  D.,  1916)  for  1,000,000  men. 


Rank. 

Present  arrangement  of 
personnel. 

Personnel  arrangement  per 
Owen  bill. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Cost  on 
base  pay 
per  year. 

Per  cent. 

Number. 

Cost  on 
base  pay 
per  year. 

1 

$8, 000 

.0025 

.0025 

4 

8 

23.5 

32 

32  • 

25 

25 

400 

800 

2,350 

3,200 

3,200 

S200, OCO 
150,000 
1,600,  OCO 
2, 800, OCO 
7, 050, OCO 

7.680.000 

6.400.000 

Colonels... 

Lieutenant  colonels 

Majors 

Captains 

First  1 i eutenants 

Total 

3. 16 
5. 42 
23.7 
33.86 
33.86 

316 

542 

2,370 

3,386 

3,386 

1.264.000 

1.897.000 

7. 110. 000 
8, 126, 400 

6.772.000 

25, 177, 400 

100  10, 000 

25,880,000 

Note. — The  figures  in  the  above  tables  are  based  on  base  pav  and  do  not  include  increases  for  longevity 

pay. 


Senator  Wadsworth.  General,  how  many  brigadier  generals  are 
there  in  the  Medical  Corps  now? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  We  have  been  allowed  recently  some  brigadier  gen- 
erals for  the  National  Army.  For  the  regular  Medical  Corps  there 
are  none. 

Senator  Wadsworth.,  How  many  for  the  National  Army? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  For  the  National  Army  we  have  appointed  four.  We 
are  allowed  nine  in  the  National  Army. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  You  have  appointed  them  from  the  Medical 
Corps  proper? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 


8 


ADVANCED  KAKIv  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Senator  YV  adswortii.  You  can  not  appoint  them  from  the  Medical 
Reserve  Corps? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I could;  yes. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  Can  you?  T thought  the  limit  of  rank  was 
major. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  That  is  in  the  Reserve  Corps  itself;  but  the  Presi- 
dent could  take  a Reserve  Corps  man  and  make  him  a brigadier  gen- 
eral in  the  National  Army. 

Senator  Wadsworth,  tip  to  nine? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Of  course,  the  President  lias  no  limit.  He  has  fixed 
the  limit  for  us  at  present  at  nine. 

Senator  Warren.  Under  general  authority  of  war  he  would  have 
a right  to  do  what  he  chose,  I suppose. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  That  is  what  I was  trying  to  get  at — if  the 
President  can  make  brigadier  generals  in  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps 
now. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Not  in  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps.  He  can  take  a 
Medical  Reserve  Corps  man  and  make  him  a brigadier  general  in 
the  National  Army.  You  see,  the  Reserve  Corps  is  a different  or- 
ganization. It  is  an  organization  belonging  to  the  Regular  Army. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Can  he  make  other  officers  subordinate  to  the. 
brigadier  general  in  the  same  proportion? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  In  any  proportion  he  pleases;  yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Then  why  do  you  need  this  bill? 

Senator  'Wadsworth.  That  is  what  I was  going  to  ask. 

Gen  Gorgas.  We  need  this  bill  for  the  Regular  Establishment. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  But  you  specified  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  The  Medical  Reserve  Corps  is  part  of  the  Regular 
Establishment. 

Senator  Owen.  I understand  that  the  President  himself  has  re- 
quested the  passage  of  this  bill. 

Senator  Warren.  Gen.  Gorgas,  the  Medical  Department  embraces 
more  than  this  bill  touches,  of  course.  This  is  the  Medical  Corps,  is 
it  not  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes;  this  is  the  Medical  Corps.  The  Medical  De- 
partment is  considerably  larger  than  that. 

Senator  Warren.  The  Medical  Department  includes 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  includes  the  Veterinary  Corps,  the  Dental  Corps, 
etc. 

Senator  Warren.  Yes.  This  is  intended,  as  it  reads,  to  be  the  > 
Medical  Corps? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  The  Medical  Corps.  It  reads  “Medical  Corps.” 
You  see.  the  words  “Medical  Corps”  are  used. 

Senator  Weeks.  Mr.  Chairman,  I should  like  to  ask  Senator  Owen 
what  particular  bearing  the  statement  he  has  just  made  would  have 
on  the  merits  of  this  legislation. 

Senator  Owen.  My  response  was  to  the  point  as  to  what  the  Presi- 
dent might  do.  It  was  stated  that  he  had  appointed  seven,  I believe, 
and  had  the  right  to  appoint  nine;  and  the  question  arose  as  to  why 
this  was  necessary,  if  the  President  had  the  right.  This,  of  course, 
makes  a fixed  rule,  now  and  in  the  future,  which  would  be  automati- 
cally adjusted.  The  President  had  expressed  himself  in  favor  of  it, 
and  I merely  called  attention  to  that  fact. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


9 


Senator  Weeks.  I should  like  to  ask  Gen.  Gorgas  what  would  be 
done  with  all  these  general  officei’s  if  we  restored  our  Military  Estab- 
lishment to  about  what  we  had  before  the  war? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  They  would  do  just  as  they  did  before  the  war.  We 
have  lots  of  majors  in  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  who  are  on  active 
duty.  As  soon  as  we  ceased  to  need  their  services  they  would  be 
brigadier  generals  on  inactive  duty. 

Senator  Weeks.  Inactive  duty? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  On  the  inactive  list. 

Senator  Weeks.  Now.  you  have  a considerably  larger  number  of 
regular  brigadier  generals  and  major  generals  than  you  had  before. 
What  would  you  do  with  them? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  We  would  only  have  a number  proportionate  to  the 
size  of  the  army  we  had.  The  law  automatically  provides  for  de- 
creasing the  number  of  officers  of  the  Regular  Army  as  it  decreases  in 
number  of  men. 

Senator  Weeks.  You  can  not  decrease  a Regular  officer  who  has 
been  confirmed. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Say  ive  are  allowed  TiOOO,  and  say  we  had  1.G00 
Regular  officers  when  the  war  ended.  Xo  more  would  be  added  and 
vacancies  would  not  be  filled,  and  the  number  would  come  down  to 
the  ratio  prescribed  by  law. 

- Senator  Weeks.  Yes;  I understand;  but  for  some  time  there  would 
be  a considerable  number  of  general  officers  more  than  the  Military 
Establishment  would  require. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Weeks.  That  has  been  an  embarrassment  in  the  Xaval 
Establishment.  For  instance,  we  have  three  rear  admirals  now  who 
are  civil  engineers.  Those  men  can  only  be  sent  to  places  of  the 
greatest  importance,  and  it  frequently  prevents  sending  other  officers 
who  are  quite  as  well  fitted  to  those  places,  because  the  rank  of  these 
officers  is  so  great  that  they  can  not  be  sent  to  subordinate  places. 
Would  we  not  have  that  condition  in  the  medical  service? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  In  practice  we  would  take  care  of  that.  You  know 
there  are  a great  many  positions  in  the  Medical  Department,  even  in 
time  of  peace,  the  occupants  of  which  report  directly  to  the  Surgeon 
General’s  office,  like,  for  instance,  the  general  hospital  at  Fort  Myer. 
our  big  supply  depots,  and  other  places  where  the  relative  rank  would 
be  no  embarrassment.  They  would  be  used  in  those  positions  until 
they  were  eliminated. 

Senator  Weeks.  It  would  be  almost  ridiculous  to  send  a brigadier 
or  major  general  doctor  to  posts  where  there  were  two  companies 
serving,  for  example;  and  might  we  not  be  greatly  embarrassed  if 
we  appointed  so  many  officers  of  high  rank  in  the  Medical  Corps  in 
the  Regular  Establishment? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Take  the  most  that  there  could  ever  be : Suppose  the 
Regular  Corps  were  filled  up,  as  it  is  now,  to  its  full  strength  of 
14,000.  That  would  give  us  seven  general  officers.  We  could  use  a 
great  many  more  than  that  in  the  big  hospitals  and  supply  depots 
where  there  would  be  no  embarrassment.  Take  Bayard,  that  would 
probably  have  2,000  patients — a very  good  command  for  a general 
officer. 


10 


ADVANCED  BANK  EOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Senator  Weeks.  1 know;  but  this  is  based  on  the  same  propor- 
tional ratio  that  is  followed  in  the  Navy.  Do  you  know  whether,  in 
coming  to  that  ratio  in  the  Navy,  consideration  was  given  to  the 
kind  of  service  which  is  performed  in  the  Navy — that  is  to  say,  the 
distribution  of  men  among  a good  many  ships,  and  whether  a larger 
number  of  officers  were  provided  for  that  reason,  so  that  there  might 
be  a medical  officer  on  every  ship,  however  large  or  small? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No;  I do  not,  Senator.  I do  not  know  the  details  of 
the  argument  for  it. 

Senator  Weeks.  You  do  not  know  whether  any  consideration  was 
given  to  that  particular  phase  of  the  matter? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  As  a matter  of  fact,  I do  not  know. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Gen.  Gorgas,  this  bill  was  referred  to  the- 
War  Department  some  two  weeks  ago.  and  the  committee  has  had 
no  reply.  Do  you  know  what  the  attitude  of  the  War  Department 
is  upon  this  legislation? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I know  when  I last  discussed  it  with  the  Secretary 
of  War,  the  bill  itself  having  gone  to  the  General  Staff  and  War  Col- 
lege, as  far  as  I know  they  are  opposed  to  it. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  That  is.  the  General  Staff  is  opposed  and  the 
War  College  is  opposed  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Has  the  Secretary  taken  any  position  with 
regard  to  the  bill  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I have  not  discussed  it  with  him  in  probably  two  or  i 
three  months.  He  was  opposed  to  it  the  last  time  I talked  to  him 
about  it. 

Senator  McKellar.  What  reasons  do  they  give,  General? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  The  principal  reason  was  that  he  did  not  need  the 
grades. 

Senator  Warren.  That  you  did  not  need  any,  or  that  you  needed! 
less  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  That  we  did  not  need  any  more  than  at  present. 

Senator  McKellar.  They  offered  nothing  in  lieu  of  this? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  They  have  given  us  the  number  that  they  would 
grant  us  for  the  National  Army,  the  present  number. 

Senator  McKellar.  What  was  that  number,  if  you  recall? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  General  officers? 

Senator  McKellar.  Yes. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Nine. 

Senator  McKellar.  That  is  the  one  you  referred  to  a while  ago? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Beckham.  General,  that  can  be  increased  at  the  will  of  the 
President  if  he  wishes  it,  can  it  not? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  As  a war  measure  this  bill  is  not,,  in  your  , 
opinion  necessary,  is  it,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  President  has 
power  to  increase  the  number  that  may  be  appointed  in  the  National 
Army  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  In  my  opinion,  it  is  most  necessary.  The  President 
has  not  increased  the  number. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  I mean  he  has  the  power  to  do  it.  It  is  not  j 
necessary  for  Congress  to  act  in  order  to  put  the  matter  in  motion?  ' 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


11 


Gen.  Gorgas.  I understand  that  he  has  the  power  under  the  draft 
act  to  fix  the  National  Army  as  he  thinks  best. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  So  that  what  you  are  really  advocating  is  for 
the  Permanent  Establishment  of  the  United  States? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  In  peace  times,  without  regard  to  the  present 
war.  What  .you  are  advocating  is  not  so  much  an  emergency  meas- 
ure necessarily,  if  the  President  already  has  the  power  to  do  the 
thing  you  ask  us  to  provide  by  legislation. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I think  these  grades  are  very  much  needed  now.  If 
this  bill  parsed.  1 think  it  tvould  increase  the  efficiency  of  our  corps  a 
great  deal. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  The  point  I am  making  is  that  the  President 
already  has  the  power  to  do  the  thing  that  you  think  is  necessary. 
Now,  do  you  think  it  is  proper  for  Congress  to  act  and  practically  to 
dictate  to  him?  (A  pause.)  That  question  may  put  you  in  rather 
an  awkward  position. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No:  Dr.  Martin  can  tell  you  about  that:  but  at  one 
of  our  conventions  within  the  last  two  or  three  days  he  read  a letter 
from  the  President  saying  that  the  President  advocated  this. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  A letter  from  the  President  to  Dr.  Martin? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes.  Dr.  Martin  will  no  doubt  bring  that  out. 

Senator  McKellai;.  It  is  the  General  Staff  and  the  War  College 
that  oppose  it? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Owen.  And  it  is  a matter  of  administrative  fact,  is  it  not, 
Gen.  Gorgas,  that  the  action  of  the  President  is  largely  influenced  by 
the  recommendations  made  through  the  Secretary  of  War  from  the 
General  Staff;  is  it  not? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Oh.  I do  not  think  the  President  ever  saw  such  a 
table  of  organization  as  the  present  one.  It  is  the  General  Staff 
that  fixes  it.  Of  course,  the  President  gives  it  his  authority.  It 
comes  out  in  his  name.  It  is  really  the  Secretary’s  name  that  is  used, 
but  the  War  College  fixes  it. 

Senator  McIvellar.  Under  the  terms  of  this  bill,  would  the  Presi- 
dent have  the  right  to  appoint  a reserve  officer  as  Surgeon  General? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  McKellar.  In  other  words,  he  could  put  in  a man  who 
might  not  have  been  in  the  service  a month,  if  he  desired? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes.  I think  he  has  that  authority  now. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Under  the  schedule  which  you  have  presented 
here,  if  this  bill  should  pass,  of  the  officers  authorized  87-1  per  cent 
would  be  majors,  captains,  and  first  lieutenants? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Approximately ; yes.  Is  that  a paper  from  my 
office  ? 

Senator  Hitchcock.  This  is  from  the  Navy  Department.  Eight 
per  cent  would  be  lieutenant  colonels  and  I per  cent  would  be  colo- 
nels. Am  I right  in  that  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  But  no  brigadier  generals,  apparently,  are 
provided. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Our  bill  would  probably  give  the  title  of  brigadier 
[general.  The  Navy  has  no  title  corresponding  to  our  brigadier  gen- 


12 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


oral,  although  they  get  the  same  pay.  In  the  Navy  half  of  the  ad- 
mirals get  the  pay  of  major  generals  and  the  other  half  get  the  paj 
of  brigadier  generals. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Then  this  871  per  cent  divided  between  ma- 
jors, captains,  and  first  lieutenants  you  would  divide  in  some  way 
under  the  Owen  bill  so  that  23.1  per  cent  would  be  majors,  32  per 
cent  would  be  captains,  and  32  per  cent  would  be  first  lieutenants? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  That  seems  to  correspond  quite  closely  with 
the  French  Army  organization,  which  has  33f  per  cent  first  lieu- 
tenants, 34  per  cent  captains,  and  practically  22  per  cent  majors. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  Does  that  give  the  percentage  of  colonels  and 
brigadier  generals? 

Senator  Hitchcock.  In  the  French  Army? 

Senator  Wadsworth.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  In  the  French  Army  about  twenty-nine  one- 
hundredths  of  1 per  cent  are  lieutenant  generals;  1.18  per  cent  are 
major  generals;  there  are  no  brigadier  generals;  2.96  per  cent  are 
colonels;  and  5.62  per  cent  are  lieutenant  colonels. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  Then  the  percentage  of  general  officers  in 
the  French  service  is  not  by  any  means  as  high  as  would  be  the  case; 
in  our  service  were  this  bill  to  pass? 

Senator  FIitchcock.  It  is  higher. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  The  percentage? 

Senator  Hitchcock.  The  French  have  1.18  per  cent  major  generals, 
while  we  would  only  have  one-quarter  of  one  per  cent  major  gen- 
erals, and  one-quarter  of  one  per  cent  brigadier  generals. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  Oh,  yes;  I am  mistaken. 

Senator  Owen.  How  many  major  generals  are  there  in  the  British!; 
service,  Gen.  Gorgas?  Do  you  recall? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  is  a large  number;  I should  say  10  for  their 
present  army. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  One  per  cent. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  That  is  probably  for  their  Regular  Army. 

Senator  Beckham.  Is  that  brigadier  generals? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Major  generals. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  One  per  cent  major  generals,  and  no  brigadier 
generals. 

Senator  Beckham.  What  is  the  pay  of  a major  general  in  the 
British  Army? 

.Gen.  Gorgas.  I could  not  say,  Senator.  I asked  Col.  Morgan, 
who  is  our  adviser  from  the  British  Army,  if  he  would  not  come  up 
to  answer  any  questions  that  you  desired  to  ask  with  regard  to  that. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  The  French  Army  and  the  British  Army 
correspond  quite  closely  in  their  medical  organization,  I see  here. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  They  are  rather  close  to  the  German  Army, 
too. 

Are  there  any  further  questions  to  be  asked  of  Gen.  Gorgas? 

Senator  Wadsworth.  I want  to  ask  the  general  a question  on  an- 
other topic,  but  I do  not  want  to  interfere  with  the  record  of  this 
hearing. 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ABMY  MEDICAL  OFFICEBS. 


18 


Senator  Owen.  Before  leaving  that  subject  I think  the  great  pur- 
pose of  this  rank  should  be  laid  before  the  committee. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Yes;  I think  so,  too. 

Senator  Owen.  That  great  purpose  is  in  order  that  the  sanitary 
regulations  and  recommendations  made  by  the  medical  officers  should 
not  he  lightly  set  aside  by  a line  officer  of  superior  rank.  A brigadier 
general  of  the  line  does  not  hesitate  to  disregard  advice  bearing  on 
typhoid  fever  or  pneumonia  which  is  given  by  an  officer  of  subordi- 
nate rank,  and  unless  the  medical  department  has  rank  it  is  difficult 
for  the  line  officers  to  realize  that  the  advice  which  the  medical 
officer  gives  should  be  taken  upon  the  basis  of  its  merits  and  not  upon 
the  basis  of  the  rank  of  the  one  who  makes  the  recommendation. 
Upon  that  point  I think  Gen.  Gorgas  should  explain  to  the  com- 
mittee his  opinion. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I think  that  is  the  real  argument  from  the  stand- 
point of  efficiency  for  this  increased  rank.  I think  as  we  go  into  war 
and  our  people  become  more  accustomed  to  military  life  everybody 
is  impressed  with  the  effect,  the  weight,  that  rank  has  upon  efficiency 
in  any  advisory  capacity. 

Senator  Weeks.  General,  in  your  long  service  in  the  Army,  how 
many  times  were  your  personal  recommendations  disregarded  by 
superior  line  officers,  so  that  you  were  not  able  to  get  the  results  which 
you  thought  desirable  from  the  health  standpoint?  I do  not  mean 
to  ask  how  many  times,  but  was  it  frequently  or  infrequently? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Very  frequently. 

Senator  Weeks.  Very  frequently? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Very  frequently.  It  is  a system  of  education.  It 
is  just  like  the  slow  change  which  has  occurred  in  civil  life  in  the 
doctor.  Two  hundred  years  ago  we  were  the  barber  surgeons,  and 
we  have  slowly  emerged  to  a higher  plane.  The  Army  is  every- 
where a conservative  body  of  men  who  are  more  slowly  issuing  from 
that  condition. 

Senator  Weeks.  Have  you  had  frequent  complaints  from  your 
nedical  officers,  since  the  beginning  of  this  war,  that  their  recom- 
nendations  were  disregarded  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No:  I can  not  say  that  I have. 

Senator  Weeks.  Have  there  been  any  flagrant  specific  instances 
Where  there  have  been  most  unsatisfactory  results  because  of  such 
leglect  and  failure  since  the  beginning  of  this  war  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  There  have  been  a good  many.  I happen  to  think 
if  one  case  because  I signed  the  paper  this  morning  before  I came 
Lip ; but  there  are  a good  many  of  the  same  character  as  this  instance, 
where  the  general  officer  took  the  ground  that  lie  had  sufficient  hos- 
pital accommodations,  and  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  push  the 
lospital;  it  was  more  necessary  to  push  the  other  buildings  first. 

Senator  Weeks.  Would  there  be  any  objection  to  your  telling  us 
what  this  instance  is,  as  an  illustration  to  the  committee? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I think  not.  It  is  a case  of  the  medical  officer  at  the 
oort  of  embarkation  at  Norfolk.  These  ports  of  embarkation,  you 
ijmow,  have  been  erected  last.  At  the  other  camps  the  matter  is  pretty 
veil  settled,  but  this  was  a case  in  which  everything  was  being 

I messed.  The  general  commanding  could  see  that  he  was  not  going 
o have  the  buildings  up  in  time  to  meet  the  troops  as  they  came  in. 


14 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


The  medical  officer  was  pressing;  he  could  see  equally  that  he  would 
not  have  hospital  accommodations  for  the  troops  as  they  were  com- 
ing in,  and  he  was  urging  the  commanding  officer  that  the  most  es- 
sential thing  was  the  hospital,  because  the  well  men  could  more  or 
less  take  care  of  themselves,  but  they  were  obliged  to  have  some 
accommodations  for  the  sick.  The  commanding  officer  ruled  othel- 
Avise.  He  said':  “ We  want  to  get  the  men  here  first.  There  is  going 
to  be  a little  time  elapsing  before  they  get  sick.  The  first  thing  Ave 
need  is  to  have  shelter  for  the  men.” 

Noav,  it  turned  out,  as  the  medical  officer  had  predicted,  that  lie 
Avas  overAvhelmed  Avith  sick,  and  they  Avere  not  properly  taken  care 
of.  That  is  the  question  in  all  the  National  Guard  camps.  Those 
questions  Avere  pressed  at  the  time,  and  the  recommendations  of  the 
medical  officers  and  medical  department  Avere  almost  disregarded 
Avith  regard  to  hospital  accommodations. 

Senator  Weeks.  When  did  that  case  develop? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  just  came  to  me  this  morning  from  the  port  of 
embarkation. 

Senator  Weeks.  How  long  has  it  been  pending? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Oh,  the  discussion  has  been  going  on  probably  for 
three  or  four  months.  I mean  reports  have  been  coming  in  to  us 
from  this  camp  of  the  shortage  and  need  of  buildings  and  equipment. 

Senator  Weeks.  What  action  have  you  taken  in  regard  to  it? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  One  action  was  this : There  was  a certain  amount  of 
blame  attached  to  the  chief  medical  officer.  He  Avas  relieved  and 
another  one  substituted  in  his  place. 

Senator  Weeks.  When  Avas  that  done? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Probably  tAvo  weeks  ago. 

Senator  Weeks.  Then  did  his  successor  make  the  same  recom- 
mendations that  he  had  made? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Of  course,  everything  was  pushing  along.  It  is  like 
all  the  camps.  The  hospital  is  in  pretty  fair  shape  now.  It  is  nearly 
completed.  I do  not  think  anybody  could  have  done  anything  more, 
outside  of  little  things,  than  they  Avere  doing.  Everybody  Avas  push- 
ing the  very  best  they  could  to  get  things  completed. 

Senator  Weeks.  What  I am  trying  to  get  at  is  Avhether,  through 
you  and  your  connection  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  that  condition 
could  not  have  been  corrected  almost  at  once? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  The  only  difference  would  have  been  to  push  the 
hospital  to  completion  before  the  barracks;  but  nothing  could  have 
been  ready  in  time.  You  see,  the  whole  question  is  that  the  troops 
were  brought  into  the  cantonments  before  the  cantonments  Avere  pre- 
pared. 

Senator  Oaven.  Was  that  on  the  advice  of  the  Medical  Depart- 
ment? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  That  they  were  brought  in  ? 

Senator  Oaven.  Yes. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No;  Ave  Avere  not  asked  about  that. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  I think  what  Senator  Weeks  Avants  to  get  at 
is  this,  and  I think  other  members  of  the  committee  do : 

Suppose  a division  commander  or  a camp  commander  refuses  to 
take  the  advice  of  a medical  officer — advice  which  the  medical  officer 
deems  essential : Has  he  any  Avay  of  ^ringing  it  up  to  you,  and  can 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ABMY  MEDICAL  OFFICEBS. 


15 


you  issue  superior  orders  to  compel  the  recognition  of  the  medical 
■officer’s  advice  through  your  rank  as  compared  with  the  rank  of  that 
officer  ? 

Gen.  Gokgas.  Cases  of  that  kind  constantly  are  coming  up,  where 
the  medical  officer  disagrees  with  his  division  commander.  He  sends 
it  up  through  The  Adjutant  General.  You  know,  I am  just  an  ad- 
visory officer.  I have  no  direct  authority  anywhere.  The  Adjutant 
General  sends  it  over  to  me  practically  for  advice,  but  my  action 
would  go  with  regard  to  it.  If  I concur  with  the  medical  officer,  tine 
Secretary  and  The  Adjutant  General  would  take  it  into  consideration. 
Of  course,  they  are  the  final  authorities  in  the  matter. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  The  Secretary  and  The  Adjutant  General 
would  finally  decide  the  question? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  So  that  your  power  is  only  advisory? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  My  power  is  only  advisory. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  And  even  if  there  were  a brigadier  general  on 
the  spot,  his  powers  would  be  only  advisory? 

Gen.  Gorges.  In  the  Medical  Department?  Yes;  his  powers  are 
■only  advisory. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  So  that  mere  rank  does  not  give  authority  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  does  not  give  authority. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  It  only  gives  prestige. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  gives  great  weight;  yes.  I have  enormously  more 
. influence  when  I go  around  to  these  camps  than  the  camp  surgeon 
has. 


Senator  McKellar.  General,  take  a man  like  Dr.  Mayo,  on  a ques- 
tion of  appendicitis.  Do  you  think  the  question  of  rank  would  have 
any  effect  on  the  deference  that  would  be  given  to  his  judgment  or 
opinion  on  anything  pertaining  to  appendicitis? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Of  course,  Dr.  Mayo  is  such  a prominent  man  that 
everybody  would  be  influenced  by  him  on  a question  of  that  kind ; 
but  in  the  long  run,  if  he  got  over  to  France,  and  they  had  gotten 
used  to  the  fact  that  Dr.  Mayo  was  only  a major  in  the  Reserve 
I Corps,  he  would  not  be  listened  to  like  Dr.  Mayor,  who  was  a briga- 
dier general.  His  weight  would  wear  off  very  rapidly,  I think. 

Senator  Myers.  What  is  Dr.  Mayo’s  rank  now  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Major. 

Senator  Myers.  Do  you  think  that  is  sufficient  rank  for  a man  of 
his  ability  and  attainments? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No:  I think  Dr.  Mayo  ought  to  have  a higher  rank. 

Senator  Myers.  He  ought  to  be  a brigadier  general,  at  least : 
ought  he  not? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I think  so.  I think  he  ought  to  be  a major  general. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  And  the  President  has  the  power  to  do  it. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  The  President  has  the  power  in  the  National  Army: 


i 


yes. 

Senator  Owen.  Not  in  the  Regular  Army. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Not  in  the  Regular  Army:  no.  He  must  be  gov- 
erned by  law. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  General,  is  not  this  about  the  position  which 
the  line  officers  take — that  the  commander  of  a division  must  of 
necessity  be  a man  of  sufficient  intelligence  that  he  will  take  the  rea- 


1G 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


sonable  advice  of  any  medical  officer,  and  if  he  fails  to  take  that 
advice  it  will  he  brought  to  the  attention  of  his  superiors,  and  will 
count  against  him;  and  is  not  that  the  reason  why  the  line  officers 
say  that  no  additional  rank  is  necessary,  and  that  it  will  only  result 
in  interfering  with  the  line  officers? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I do  not  know  that  I ever  heard  any  argument  used 
as  to  the  question  of  interfering.  They  believe,  as  a general  thing, 
that  no  more  rank  is  necessary.  If  the  division  commander,  as  to 
that  recommendation,  disagrees  with  his  division  surgeon — who  now 
can  only  be  a major,  no  higher  than  major,  under  the  tables  of  organ- 
ization— it  does  not  necessarily  go  forward,  unless  the  doctor  insists 
upon  it.  Now,  he  would  have  much  more  weight  in  insisting  upon 
it  if  he  were  a brigadier  general  than  he  would  as  a major,  and  he 
would  probably  insist  upon  it  much  more  often. 

Senator  Fletcher.  Would  there  be  any  question  of  insubordina- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  major,  the  surgeon,  if  he,  persisted? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  None — oh  no.  They  would  recognize  it  as  being 
entirely  proper  and  right.  It  might  make  some  friction.  You  know 
how  it  is  with  the  power  a superior  officer  has;  but  it  would  be 
perfectly  proper,  and  there  could  be  no  criticism  of  him  at  all. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  All  these  medical  officers  can  communicate 
with  you  freely? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  They  do,  as  a matter  of  fact,  communicate  with  me  S 
freely,  but  on  an  official  question  of  that  kind  they  could  not.  They 
could  send  me  a copy  of  of  it,  however. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  But  it  goes  to  The  Adjutant  General? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  goes  to  The  Adjutant  General  through  the  division 
commander.' 

Senator  Hitchcock.  It  is  his  duty  to  transmit  it  to  you  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  is  his  duty  to  transmit  it  to  me. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  So  that  it  all  comes  to  you? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Generally ; yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  And  if  you  represent  that  a division  com- 
mander is  insisting  upon  insanitary  regulations,  that  certainly  has 
some  influence  with  the  department. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  That  has  great  influence.  My  recommendations 
have  great  influence  with  them. 

(At  this  point  a question  was  asked  by  a member  of  the  committee 
as  to  the  cost  entailed  by  the  bill  under  consideration;  but  the  ques- 
tion was  withdrawn  upon  the  statement  being  made  that  the  Sur- 
geon General  was  to  furnish  a tabulation  of  the  additional  cost.) 

Senator  Owen.  I should  like  to  have  the  committee  also  consider 
in  that  connection,  what  is  the  cost  to  the  United  States  of  the  death 
of  these  young  men  in  these  camps  under  the  insurance  system  we 
have  adopted,  and  the  disability  of  the  young  men  from  the  neglect 
that  is  due  to  the  failure  of  the  line  officers  to  perceive  the  value  of 
recommendations  made  to  them  relative  to  safeguarding  the  lives  of 
these  men. 

Senator  Weeks.  Do  you  think,  Senator,  that  we  could  get  a basis 
on  which  to  figure  that? 

Senator  Owen.  You  can  get  a basis  from  the  experience  of  the 
United  States  at  Chickamauga,  where  Gen.  Brooke  drank  infected 
water  to  show  his  contempt  of  the  sanitary  •regulations  proposed  by 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


17 


the  medical  officer,  and  where  16,000  men  were  taken  down  with 
typhoid  fever  and  900  of  them  died.  There  is  a very  egregious  in- 
stance, possibly  one  of  the  most  serious  instances  of  loss  of  life. 

Senator  Weeks.  That  would  not  be  particularly  applicable  now, 
because  we  have  a preventive  of  typhoid  fever. 

Senator  Owen.  That  preventive  has  been  worked  out  by  the  medi- 
cal department ; but  the  line  officer  ought  not  to  refuse  to  take  the  pre- 
ventive measures  which  the  medical  department  recommends.  The 
cost  appears  in  our  pension  rolls,  and  that  pension  roll  has  gone  into 
very  large  figures,  as  we  all  know.  We  had  that  terrific  experience 
during  the  Civil  War,  and  the  expense  resulting  from  a failure  upon 
the  part  of  our  line  officers  in  the  Civil  War  to  realize  the  impor- 
tance of  safeguarding  the  men  against  diseases  appears  in  the  cost 
sheets  of  the  pension  list.  I think  the  committee  ought  not  to  fail 
to  realize  that,  and  that  is  why  I call  attention  to  it. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  There  is  now  a regulation  in  the  Army  which 
requires  every  soldier  to  be  inoculated  against  typhoid  fever,  is  there 
not? 

‘Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Who  issued  that  order? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  All  orders  are  issued  by  the  Secretary,  by  The  Adju- 
tant General.  It  was  recommended  to  him,  I think,  by  my  prede- 
cessor, Gen.  Torney.  It  has  resulted  most  satisfactorily. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  The  Medical  Department  of  the  Army,  while 
merely  advisory,  is  able  to  secure  the  issuance  of  general  orders  of 
that  sort,  is  it  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Is  it  not  possible  for  the  Medical  Department, 
through  its  influence  with  the  War  Department,  to  secure  the  issuance 
of  orders  to  commanders  which  will  require  them  to  follow  the  advice 
of  the  medical  officers  in  the  camp  in  sanitary  matters? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Very  frequently.  When  the  question  came  up  of 
infection  of  these  camps,  the  recommendation  was  made  by  our  office, 
just  as  an  instance  of  it,  that  observation  camps  be  established  at  all 
of  our  camps,  where  men  would  be  received  and  kept  under  observa- 
tion for  two  weeks  before  they  were  taken  into  camp.  That  was 
issued  at  the  request  of  my  office  by  The  Adjutant  General  as  an 
order  to  all  these  division  commanders. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  It  has  been  represented  to  this  committee 
by  Dr.  Seaman  that  much  of  the  intestinal  trouble  which  developed 
at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  War  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  general 
officers  would  not  take  the  advice  of  the  medical  officers  in  changing 
the  ration  of  the  men.  Have  the  medical  officers  any  control  over  the 
ration  of  the  men? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Only  an  advisory  control. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Would  it  lie  possible  for  the  War  Department 
to  instruct  the  officers  of  the  line  to  follow  the  advice  of  medical 
officers  attached  to  their  commands  with  regard  to  the  change  of 
rations  from  time  to  time? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Entirely  possible.  That  is  all  in  the  hands  of  the 
i'  Secretary  of  War. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  So  that  could  be  done  without  changing  the 
rank  of  these  men  at  all? 

61461—18 2 

I 


18 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Gen.  Gokgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Beckham.  Does  the  War  Department  give  these  divisional 
commanders  or  camp  commanders  any  instructions  at  all  as  to  what 
heed  they  should  pay  to  the  advice  of  the  medical  officers? 

Gen.  Gokgas.  That  is  provided  in  the  regulations  that  were  issued 
governing  everybody. 

Senator  Beckham.  That  is  what  I understood.  They  are  directed 
to  do  that? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  I think  perhaps  we  had  better  hear  any  other 
witnesses  that  are  here,  unless  you  have  something  further  that  you 
want  to  present,  General. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I do  not  think  of  anything,  Senator.  I am  exceed--, 
ingly  anxious  to  have  this  bill  passed.  I think  it  tends  more  to  the 
efficiency  of  the  Medical  Corps  than  any  other  one  thing  that  could 
be  done. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  The  notes  of  the  hearing  will  be  submitted  to 
you  when  they  are  transcribed,  and  you  may  insert  in  them  any  addi- 
tional matter  you  desire,  and  then,  more  particularly,  the  tables  we 
have  called  for. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Warren.  Before  the  General  leaves  the  stand  I should  like 
to  ask  him  a question  that  has  nothing  to  do  with  this  particular 
matter.  How  does  the  health  at  the  camps  and  cantonments  compare 
with  the  conditions  when  you  were  last  before  the  committee? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  is  very  much  better.  The  death  rate  has  dropped  j 
to  half  what  it  was  in  November. 

Senator  McKellar.  What  is  it  now  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  About  6 per  1,000. 

Senator  Weeks.  Then  you  are  down  to  about  the  conditions  as  re- 
ported from  Salisbury  Plain,  for  instance? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I do  not  recollect  the  figures.  We  have  not  any 
general  figures  either  from  the  French  or  from  the  English.  We 
are  very  much  better  than  the  Japanese,  for  instance — the  best  figures 
that  they  have  put  before  us. 

Senator  Weeks.  Somebody  furnished  us  some  figures — I do  not 
know  whether  they  were  complete  or  not — of  the  conditions  at  the 
Salisbury  Plain  Camp ; and  if  the  conditions  are  as  you  have  described 
them  now,  I should  think  they  were  about  on  all  fours. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  We  could  bring  you  the  figures  of  some  camps  that 
would  be  very  much  better  than  that,  and,  of  course,  the  figures  of 
some  camps  would  be  very  much  worse.  I am  speaking  of  the  aver- 
age for  the  whole  Army.  There  are  plenty  of  our  camps  where,  with 
40,000  men,  the  death  rate  would  be  less  than  one  per  thousand. 

Senator  McKellar.  Have  you  got  proper  hospital  facilities  for 
all  the  camps  and  cantonments  now  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  We  are  crowded.  The  hospital  facilities  are  not  big 
enough,  and,  of  course,  the  hospital  facilities  have  not  been  completed' 
yet.  There  is  not  water  and  steam  heat  in  all  of  them,  but  they  are 
being  rushed  to  completion  all  the  time.  They  are  very  much  better  ' 
than  they  were  three  months  ago. 

Senator  Warren.  How  do  the  conditions  here,  taken  on  the  general 
average,  compare  with  the  conditions  with  our  troops  abroad? 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


19 


Gen.  Gorgas.  Their  rates  are  a little  higher  than  ours;  not  much. 
The  rates  are  good  everywhere — extremely  good.  I do  not  think  an 
army  was  ever  put  into  the  field  that  can  compare  in  sanitary  results 
with  ours,  so  far. 

Senator  Beckham.  You  mean  from  the  beginning? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  From  the  beginning. 

Senator  Weeks.  General,  there  are  rumors  from  time  to  time — - 
which  I presume  are  more  or  less  exaggerated,  perhaps  greatly  exag- 
gerated— relative  to  conditions  as  to  venereal  disease  at  certain  camps. 
Has  there  been  any  marked  increase  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  There  has  been  a very  great  decrease.  The  decrease 
was  most  marked  on  the  entrance  of  the  troops  to  the  camps.  Where 
it  was  very  high,  in  the  course  of  a month  it  would  fall  to  one-quarter. 
I am  simply  speaking  of  the  whole  Army.  Of  course,  the  different 
camps  varied.  You  can  understand  how  different  camps  vary  tre- 
mendously, naturally.  It  is  now  less  than  it  was  in  peace  times — a 
most  unexpected  result. 

Senator  Warren.  That  is,  they  brought  the  disease  into  camp  be- 
fore they  were  under  control? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  They  brought  it  into  camp. 

Senator  Weeks.  Do  you  mean  that  it  is  now  less  than  it  would  be 
among  the  same  number  of  men  in  civil  life  in  peace  times  or  in  the 
Army  in  peace  times? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  In  the  Army  in  peace  times.  There  are  no  general 
figures  of  that  kind  that  would  apply  to  a civil  population.  You  can 
not  tell  at  all. 

Senator  Fletcher.  How  about  meningitis,  General? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Much  to  my  surprise,  meningitis  has  practically 
given  us  no  trouble.  At  one  time  meningitis  became  very  rife  in 
two  or  three  of  the  camps,  but  it  was  not  very  difficult  to  eradicate. 
To  me  that  has  been  the  surprise  of  the  war. 

Senator  Fletcher.  I supposed  it  was  increasing,  and  that  pneu- 
monia, perhaps,  was  dropping  off. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Oh,  no;  meningitis  has  decreased  probably  to  one- 
fourth,  more  or  less.  It  is  negligible  now.  It  occurs  about  as  it 
does  in  the  civil  population. 

Senator  Owen.  A very  important  matter  in  administration  seems 
to  turn  upon  the  influence  which  the  advice  of  the  Medical  Depart- 
ment might  have  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  as  against  the  advice 
of  the  General  Staff  controlled  by  the  line  officers.  I wish  to  ask  if 
the  Medical  Department  of  the  Army  would  net  be  more  potential 
with  the  Secretary  of  War  in  passing  upon  an  issue  which  might  arise 
between  the  Medical  Department  and  the  Staff  if  the  Medical  Depart- 
ment had  a larger  rank  and  dignity  by  virtue  of  rank? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I do  not  know  that  I altogether  get  the  drift  of  your 
question,  Senator.  You  mean  if  this  bill  passed  and  we  got  the  in- 
creased rank  all  the  way  down,  whether  in  questions  coming  up  to 
the  Secretary  the  advice  of  the  medical  officer  would  have  more  in- 
fluence from  the  fact  that  it  started  from  a brigadier  general? 

Senator  Owen.  Yes;  exactly. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I have  never  thought  of  that.  I think  that  that 
would  be  the  case.  That  had  not  occurred  to  me  before.  I am  the 
only  medical  officer  that  comes  in  contact  with  the  Secretary. 


20 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Senator  Wadsworth.  General,  I should  like  to  ask  you  if  you  have 
any  progress  to  report  in  the  matter  of  hospital  ships  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  That  question  has  been  settled  by  the  Navy  taking 
over  the  transporting  of  our  sick  and  wounded  and  arranging  to  do  it 
in  our  returning  transports.  I think  the  question  has  been  very 
satisfactorily  settled. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  Are  some  of  the  ships  to  be  fitted  out  as  hos- 
pital ships? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  These  transports?  No;  not  particularly.  The  sick 
bay  is  to  be  increased  a little.  Personally,  as  far  as  the  transporting 
is  concerned,  I prefer  the  big  transports  to  such  hospital  ships  as  I 
am  accustomed  to.  The  possible  objection  to  using  transports  is  that 
they  would  not  have  the  protection  of  the  Geneva  Cross. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  That  is  one  element,  of  course. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Everything  else  is  in  favor  of  using  transports. 

Senator  Beckham.  That  is  no  protection  now,  is  it  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I understand,  from  what  I hear  from  the  English 
Army,  that  the  Bed  Cross  is  no  protection  at  all. 

Senator  Wadsworti-i.  You  recommended  last  summer,  did  you  not, 
that  a certain  number  of  ships  should  be  fitted  out  as  hospital  ships  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes. 

Senator  Wadsworth.  That  has  not  been  done,  and  you  are  posi- 1 
tire  now  that  it  need  not  have  been  done,  and  this  other  solution  is  | 
as  good  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Personally;  yes.  You  know  we  probably  are  going 
to  be  open  to  a great  deal  of  criticism  if  one  of  these  transports  is  sunk  j 
with  a thousand  or  more  wounded  on  it ; but  for  comfort  to  the  sick  j 
and  real  safety  I prefer  the  transports,  since,  from  all  the  informa- 
tion that  I can  get  on  the  subject,  I do  not  believe  the  flag  of  the  I 
hospital  ship  is  the  least  protection. 

Senator  Warren.  Your  larger  ships  are  better? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I think  the  big  transports  are  a great  deal  better. 

Senator  McKellar.  They  are  roomier? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes;  they  are  steadier,  and  better  in  every  way. 

Senator  Warren.  Much  steadier. 

Senator  Bankhead.  They  are  protected  on  their  return  by  con- 
voys,  are  they  not,  General  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas,  I understand  so,  Senator. 

Senator  McKellar.  They  would  be  if  used  as  hospital  ships? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Much  more  carefully  protected;  yes. 

Senator  Wadsavortil.  Will  it  be  possible  in  using  these  transports ; 
in  bringing  back  sick  and  wounded  to  supply  the  proper  facilities 
for  their  care? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes.  You  see,  now  they  only  intend  to  bring  back  ; 
our  totally  disabled  men,  those  who  are  going  to  be  discharged.  Out  I 
of  a thousand  men  probably  only  one-tenth  would  be  bedridden  com- 
ing  back.  The  quarters  of  those  ships  will  apply  very  well  to  the  bed- 
ridden men.  They  would  be  supplied  with  everything  they  required  j 
in  the  way  of  general  medical  attention.  The  Navy  have  undertaken 
to  do  that  with  their  personnel.  ] 

Senator  Wadsavorth.  Then  it  is  the  naval  medical  officers  Avho  ay i 1 1 
do  that? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes.  We  will  help  them  if  we  can. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


21 


STATEMENT  OF  DR.  FRANKLIN  MARTIN,  MEMBER  OF  THE  AD- 
VISORY COMMISSION  OF  THE  COUNCIL  OF  NATIONAL  DEFENSE. 


Senator  Hitchcock.  Dr.  Martin,  I believe  you  have  some  views  on 
this  bill,  Senate  bill  No.  3748,  that  you  wish  to  express  to  the  com- 
mittee. 

Dr.  Martin.  Yes.  I am  particularly  interested  in  the  Reserve 
Corps  because,  in  cooperation  with  the  Surgeon  General’s  office,  the 
council  of  National  Defense  has  aided  materially,  through  its  medi- 
cal organization,  in  enrolling  somewhere  in  the  neighborhood  of 
22,000  of  the  pick  of  the  civilian  doctors  of  the  country  in  the  Medi- 
cal Officers’  Reserve  Corps.  This  corps  represents  the  cream  of  the 
medical  profession  of  the  country,  and  through  patriotic  motives  they 
have  sacrificed  much. 

Among  this  group  we  have  many  men  who  have  given  up  lucrative 
practices,  severed  family  ties,  and  have  gone  into  the  service.  A 
great  many  of  the  younger  men  had  but  recently  established  them- 
selves in  their  practices  when  the  call  to  enroll  came.  They  left 
families  accustomed  to  living  on  a fair  income  from  a doctor’s  earn- 
ings to  go  into  the  service  with  the  rank  of  lieutenants,  captains,  and, 
at  the  very  most,  majors.  Their  families  are  left,  if  they  are  depend- 
ent, to  get  along  as  best  they  can  upon  the  small  compensation 
accorded  to  these  ranks. 

In  making  this  statement  I fully  realize  that  the  doctors  have 
thought  very  little  of  rank  or  pay.  But  it  does  not  seem  right  to  me 
that,  in  addition  to  receiving  compensation  far  below  their  normal 
earning  capacity,  they  should  be  subjected  to  the  humiliation  of  a 
lower  rank  than  that  accorded  to  medical  officers  in  the  regular  corps. 
It  is  my  opinion  that  after  one  year  of  service  the  civilian  doctor 
will  be  fully  as  capable  of  filling  his  Army  job  as  will  the  average 
regular  corps  man. 

It  is  not  usually  realized  that  with  an  army  of  2.000,000  men  14,000 
medical  officers  will  be  required.  Of  that  14,000  only  700  will  be  of 
the  regular  Medical  Corps.  Therefore,  with  but  14,000  medical  men 
in  the  service  there  will  be  approximately  20  Reserve  Officers  to  one 
Regular  officer.  With  21,000  medical  officers  on  duty  the  proportion 
will  be  still  more  favorable  to  the  reserve  officer,  or  approximately 


30  to  1. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  I do  not  quite  see  the  objection  to  that, 
Doctor.  What  is  the  objection  to  having  that  ratio? 

“Dr.  Martin.  There  is  no  objection  to  the  ratio.  I am  merely  using 
that  as  an  illustration  of  the  responsibility  of  the  civilian  doctor  as 
compared  to  that  of  the  Regular  Army  doctor.  If  we  have  the  re- 
sponsibility, we  should  also  have  the  rank  and  pay  accorded  to  the 
Regular  officer  in  the  Medical  Department,  and  the  entire  Medical 
Corps  should  have  the  rank  granted  to  the  line  officers. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Do  you  speak  of  the  Regular  officers  having 
higher  rank  than  the  Medical  Reserve  Cbrps  officers?  Is  that  the 
distinction? 

Dr.  Martin.  Yes.  At  present  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  Regular 
Army  has  rank  as  high  as  colonel. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Is  it  true  that  23  per  cent  of  the  medical 
officers  in  the  Army  have  the  rank  of  major?  That  is  the  rank  you 
hold.  Is  not  the  same  proportion  true  in  the  Reserve  Corps  ? 


22 


ADVANCED  RANK  EOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Dr.  Martin.  There  is  the  same  proportion  of  majors  for  both.  I 
am  not  familiar  with  the  proportion.  I only  know  that  the  highest 
rank  accorded  to  the  Reserve  Corps  officer  is  that  of  major,  while 
the  Regular  Army  has  in  addition  the  ranks  of  lieutenant  colonel 
and  colonel.  Am  I not  right  in  that? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  That  is  right. 

Senator  McKellar.  With  the  exception  that  the  President  would 
have  the  right  to  appoint  higher  officers  in  the  National  Army  of 
the  rank  of  colonel  or  lieutenant  colonel. 

Senator  Fletcher.  Out  of  the  Reserve  officers? 

Senator  McKellar.  Out  of  the  Reserve  officers.  Am  I right  in 
that?  I am  not  positive  about  it  myself. 

Dr.  Martin.  I believe  you  are  right.  The  President  has  authority 
to  give  Reserve  officers  rank  in  the  National  Army. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  I am  not  certain  that  in  the  Medical  Reserve 
Corps  23  per  cent  are  majors,  because  I think  the  23  per  cent  applies 
to  the  Regular  Army. 

Senator  Warren.  Mr.  Chairman,  I know  of  no  inhibition  that  pre- 
vents even  more  than  that  in  the  Reserve  Corps  being  majors.  There 
may  be  some  regulation  covering  the  matter.  I am  uninformed 
about  that.  I think  probably  that  is  a matter  resting  with  the 
department  regulations. 

Senator  McKellar.  I do  not  think  they  have  any  regulations 
about  it. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  What  you  are  speaking  for,  then,  is  not  so 
much  that  more  should  be  majors  as  that  there  should  be  the  rank  of 
major  general  and  brigadier  general  in  the  Reserve  Corps? 

Dr.  Martin.  We  want  equal  rank  with  the  Regular  Army,  and  we 
are  also  asking  that  the  Regular  Army,  with  which  we  will  have  to 
serve,  be  given  rank  equal  to  the  other  departments  of  the  Army. 
This  is  not  the  case  at  present.  In  other  words,  this  bill  not  only  alters 
the  status  of  the  Reserve  officer,  but  it  will  also  give  an  increased 
rank  to  medical  officers  of  the  Regular  Army. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Are  you  able  to  state  now  what  the  proportion 
of  rank  is  in  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps?  Is  it  the  same  as  in  the 
Regular  Army  ? 

Dr.  Martin.  I can  not  definitely  answer  that  question. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Can  anyone  here  state  whether  there  is  any 
difference  between  the  relative  ratios  of  rank  in  the  Regular  Army 
and  in  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps? 

Senator  McKellar.  What  do  you  mean  by  the  ratios  of  rank,  Mr. 


Chairman  ? 

Senator  Hitchcock.  I understand  that  Dr.  Martin  makes  the 
complaint  that  the  medical  officers  in  the  Reserve  Corps  have  not  the 
same  rank  as  the  officers  in  the  Regular  Army. 

Senator  W arren.  I do  not  understand  him  to  make  that  complaint 
from  majors  down,  but  he  wants  a higher  rank. 

Senator  McKellar.  Lieutenant  colonel,  colonel,  brigadier  general, 
and  major  general;  that  is  my  understanding. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Three  per  cent  of  the  Regular  Army  are 
colonels.  What  per  cent  of  the  Reserve  Corps  are  colonels?  There 
are  no  colonels? 

Dr.  Martin.  None. 

Senator  Fletcher.  The  rank  of  major  is  the  limit. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


23 


Senator  Hitchcock.  The  President  has  the  power  to  create  them. 

Dr.  Martin.  Not  in  the  Medical  Corps.  He  has  the  right  to  ap- 
point Medical  Corps  officers  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant  colonel  or 
colonel  in  the  National  Army. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Why  is  not  that  sufficent?  These  medical 
officers  from  civil  life  only  go  in  temporarily,  just  as  the  National 
Army  officer  does.  Why  is  not  a rank  of  colonel  in  the  National 
Army  just  as  good  for  a physician  who  is  only  in  the  war  temporarily 
and  is  going  back  to  civil  life? 

Dr.  Martin.  By  that  arrangement  we  are  depending  upon  the  voli- 
tion of  someone  to  recommend  and  make  an  appointment,  whereas 
with  a definite  percentage  fixed,  as  in  the  bill  we  are  contending  for, 
we  would  have  a right  to  the  rank  and  receive  it  without  the  exercise 
referred  to. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  This  is  a criticism  or  a complaint  that  you 
would  not  make  if  the  President  had  exercised  his  power  and  made 
as  large  a percentage  of  colonels  in  the  Reserve  Corps  as  there  are 
colonels  in  the  Regular  Army  ? 

Dr.  Martin.  I am  not  sure  that  in  creating  officers  in  the  National 
Army  from  the  Medical  Corps  he  is  not  depriving  some  other  corps 
of  rank  to  which  it  is  entitled.  I do  not  know  the  law  well  enough 
to  state  whether  the  proportion  of  higher  officers  is  limited  in  the 
National  Army. 

Senator  Fletcher.  That  is  probably  the  case. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  That  is  to  say,  you  think  it  is  possible  that 
the  present  law  so  limits  the  President  with  regard  to  the  ratios  of 
the  various  ranks  he  can  appoint  that  he  could  not  add  to  the  Na- 
tional Army  from  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  without  detracting 
from  the  Regular  Army  ? 

Dr.  Martin.  That  is  the  point  I am  endeavoring  to  make. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  I do  not  know  whether  anybody  here  can 
answer  that  or  not. 

Is  there  anything  else.  Doctor  ? 

Dr.  Martin.  I would  like  to  file,  as  a matter  of  record  in  this  hear- 
ing, a table  showing  the  percentages  of  officers  as  they  would  apply 
here  in  comparison  with  similar  corps  in  the  armies  of  England, 
France,  Italy,  Germany,  and  Austria. 

(The  table  referred  to  is  here  printed  in  the  record,  as  follows:) 


Perdentage  composition  of  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  United  States  Army  (ex- 
istent and  proposed ) compared  with  the  Medical  Corps  of  principal  foreign 
armies  in  November,  1915. 


Titles. 

Medical 
Corps, 
United 
States 
Army, 
act  of 
June  3, 
1916. 

Existing 

percent- 

age, 

United 

States 

Navy. 

Medical 
Corps. 
Lfnited 
States 
Army, 
Owen 
bill  and 
Dyer  bill. 

Italian 

Army 

Medical 

Corps. 

■ ' 

French 

Army 

Medical 

Corps. 

British 

Army 

Medical 

Corps. 

German 

Army 

Medical 

Corps. 

Austrian 

Army 

Medical 

Corps. 

Per  cent. 

Per  cent. 

Per  cent. 

Per  cent. 
0. 13 

Per  cent. 
0. 29 

Per  cent. 
0.09 

Per  cent. 
0. 04 

Per  cent. 
0. 06 

0.5 

0. 25 

.39 

1.18 

1. 01 

.16 

.62 

.25 

4.0 

3. 16 

4.0 

3.39 

2. 96 

2. 66 

1.06 

3.98 

Lieutenant  colonel . . . 

S.  42 
23.70 

8.0 

8.0 

23.5 

4.69 

14.73 

5.62 
21.  89 

11.93 

30.37 

2. 54 
20.  87 

6. 22 
12.12 

87.5 

32.0 

40.  94 

34.31 

34.  35 

27.04 

61.  22 

67.  72 

32.0 

35.73 

33. 75 

11.74 

48.  29 

15.78 

3.85 

24 


ADVANCED  RANK  DOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


May  I also  present  a table  explanatory  of  Senate  bill  No.  3748,  in 
which  is  compared  the  ratios  of  the  commissioned  officers  of  the 
Medical  Department  of  the  Navy  as  at  present  existing,  and  as  the 
similar  percentage  would  apply  to  the  Army? 

Senator  Hitchcock.  The  comparison  will  be  printed  in  the  record. 
(It  is  as  follows:) 


Ratios  of  commissioned  officers  in  Medical 
Department  of  Navy  as  at  present 
existing: 

Per  cent. 


Rear  admirals 0.50 

C aptain 4 

Commander 8 

Lieutenant  commander 1 

Senior  lieutenant > 87.  50 

Junior  lieutenant I 


Ratios  of  commissioned  officers  in  Medical 
Department  of  Army  as  proposed  in 
S.  3748: 

Per  cent. 


Major  general 0. 25 

Brigadier  general 25 

Colonel 4 

Lieutenant  colonel 8 

Major 23.5 

Captain 32 

First  lieutenant 32 


I would  also  like  to  add  a note  giving  the  experience  of  Great 
Britain  in  the  matter  of  rank  for  medical  officers,  and  also  a refer- 
ence to  the  experience  of  medical  officers  during  the  Spanish- Ameri- 
can War. 

(The  matter  referred  to  is  as  follows:) 


GREAT  BRITAIN’S  EXPERIENCE. 

Lord  Esher,  who  in  1904  was  chairman  of  the  committee  which  reorganized 
the  English  War  Office,  then  was  opposed  to  what  the  medical  profession 
deemed  adequate  authority  and  rank.  But  on  February  3,  1917,  just  13  years 
later,  he  wrote : 

“ How  much  of  the  suffering  undergone  by  our  soldiers  since  the  war  began 
has  been  due  to  the  shortsightedness  of  my  committee,  and  notably  of  myself, 
will  never  be  known.  Certainly  the  control  of  the  aljutant  general’s  branch 
over  the  Royal  Army  Medical  Corps  was  and  is  responsible  not  only  for  the 
early  failure  to  grip  the  medical  factors  of  the  war,  but  they  hampered  con- 
ditions under  which  the  surgeon  general  has  worked.  His  triumphs  and  those 
of  the  Royal  Army  Medical  Corps  have  been  achieved  in  spite  of  obstacles 
that  the  subordination  of  science  to  ignorance  and  of  elasticity  to  military 
discipline  explains  but  can  not  justify.” 

A MEDICAL  OFFICER’S  EXPERIENCE  DURING  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR. 

On  July  17,  1S9S,  the  chief  medical  officer  at  Chickamauga  made  nine  recom- 
mendations concerning  improvements  of  sanitary  conditions  in  that  camp  which 
were  ignored.  Later  on  during  an  investigation  of  these  conditions  the  com- 
manding officer  spoke  of  the  letter  containing  these  recommendations  as 
follows : 

“ I did  not  regard  his  (the  medical  officer’s)  letter  in  a very  serious  sense. 
I do  not  know  how  he  came  to  write  it.  There  was  much  complaint  in  that 
camp  from  men  of  his  own  profession  as  to  his  action.  He  caused  me  more 
trouble  and  annoyance  than  anyone  ever  did.” 

This  statement  was  made  by  an  officer  who  had  been  repeatedly  mentioned  in 
orders  for  his  bravery  and  skill  as  a line  officer.  Had  the  recommendations 
contained  in  the  letter  which  annoyed  this  senior  line  officer  been  taken 
seriously  in  July,  the  fearful  harvest  of  sickness  and  death  in  August  might 
have  been  averted. 

The  men  in  the  Reserve  Corps  are  professional  men  of  the  greatest 
reputation. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Have  these  men  given  up  practices  of  large 
size  to  go? 


ADVANCED  RANK  EOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFEICERS. 


25 


Mr.  Martin.  They  are  men  of  the  type  of  Brewer,  Crile,  Finney, 
and  Cushing. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Without  giving  further  names,  what  sort  of 
practice  have  they  had — approximating  what  income? 

Dr.  Martin.  They  are  men  of  enormous  practice.  As  far  as  in- 
come is  concerned,  that  is  not  the  question  with  them. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Is  it  a practice  approximating  $10,000  a year? 

Dr.  Martin.  $50,000  a year. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  What  salaries  do  they  draw  as  majors? 

Dr.  Martin.  $3,000  a year. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  So  they  have  made  a large  sacrifice  to  enter 
the  service. 

Senator  McKellar.  Mr.  Chairman,  I happen  to  know  one  from 
Memphis  who  gave  up  a practice  averaging  more  than  $40,000  a 
year.  He  was  appointed  a first  lieutenant,  and  since  that  time  he  has 
been  promoted  to  major.  He  is  one  of  the  best  eye  and  ear  specialists 
in  the  whole  country.  He  is  down  at  Camp  Meade  now  as  a major, 
at  $3,000  a year,  although  he  has  been  making  more  than  $40,000  an- 
nually for  a number  of  years. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  These,  of  course,  are  not  drafted  men.  They 
are  beyond  the  draft  age  and  are  volunteers? 

Dr.  Martin.  They  are  volunteers.  That  is  the  paramount  thing  in 
the  whole  argument.  Any  physician  under  55  years  of  age  who  is 
not  physically  unfit  is  practically  disgraced  among  his  confreres  if 
he  does  not  enroll.  There  is  no  other  profession  or  class  in  which  the 
same  thing  maintains. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Under  what  age? 

Dr.  Martin.  Fifty-five  years. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Are  there  any  questions? 

Senator  Sutherland.  They  are  not  accepted  over  55,  are  they? 

Dr.  Martin.  Not  unless  they  were  in  the  old  Reserve  Corps  before 
reaching  the  age  of  55.  If  they  were,  upon  the  reorganization  of  the 
corps  last  June  they  were  transferred  to  the  corps  as  at  present  exist- 
ing. 

May  I make  a final  appeal  for  every  possible  recognition  that  will 
aid  the  Medical  Corps  to  do  its  work  in  a dignified  and  efficient  man- 
ner. The  officers  of  other  departments  are  of  very  great  importance, 
but  medical  officers  alone  will  be  held  responsible  by  the  fathers  and 
mothers  for  the  sickness  of  their  boys. 

STATEMENT  OF  MAJ.  C.  H.  MAYO,  MEDICAL  RESERVE  CORPS, 
UNITED  STATES  ARMY. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Dr.  Mayo,  can  you  briefly  state  your  views  on 
this  issue? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Dr.  W.  J.  Mayo  and  I conferred,  and  we  have  written 
out  here  a very  brief  statement  that  I shall  be  pleased  to  read : 

The  Medical  Reserve  Corps  asks  for  increased  rank  in  order  to  increase  its 
efficiency.  The  members  of  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  have  made  great  sacri- 
fices, financially  and  professionally,  on  entering  the  service.  They  are  men 
as  a rule  beyond  the  draft  age.  They  have  obligations  and  duties  of  a civic 
and  social  character  which  require  a high  percentage  of  their  incomes  while 
in  practice.  The  most  desirable  of  these  men,  between  the  ages  of  35  and  50, 
have  in  the  majority  of  cases  family  obligations  such  as  the  care  of  dependents, 


26 


ADVANCED  HANK  FOE  AKMY  MEDICAL  OFFICEES. 


insurance,  paying  for  a home,  etc.  When  the  war  is  over  they  will  go  back 
to  meet  competition  intrenched  against  them  during  their  absence. 

In  spite  of  these  handicaps  the  medical  profession  has  risen  to  the  occasion. 
Its  members  have  made  the  sacrifice.  They  only  ask  that  during  the  time 
they  are  in  service  they  shall  have  working  conditions  which  justify  the  sacri- 
fice. In  the  Army  military  rank  is  essential.  A man  is  judged  not  according 
to  his  personal  ability,  but  according  to  the  rank  conferred  upon  him.  A 
man  of  low  military  rank  with  high  professional  attainments  has  the  authority 
and  influence  only  which  accompanies  his  military  rank.  Our  men  serving 
abroad  have  no  standing  in  military  conferences  because  of  lack  of  rank. 

It  is  the  desire  and  intention  of  the  medical  profession  to  put  the  best  men 
in  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  regardless  of  personal  consideration.  There 
are  now  nearly  15,000  under  orders.  I am  frank  in  saying  that  with  or  with- 
out incrased  rank  the  medical  profession  will  bear  its  burden,  but  it  looks 
to  Congress  to  treat  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  as  well  as  the  other  branches 
of  the  service  and  to  uphold  the  dignity  of  the  medical  profession. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Are  there  any  questions  that  members  of  the 
committee  would  like  to  ask  Dr.  Mayo  ? 

Senator  Frelinghttysen.  Mr.  Chairman,  I should  like  to  ask  Dr. 
Mayo  a question.  It  does  not  relate  to  this  question  of  rank,  but 
I think  it  is  a subject  to  which  he  has  given  some  attention.  In  what 
connection  are  the  Medical  Reserve  officers  utilized? 

Maj.  Mayo.  The  Medical  Reserve  approximates  97  per  cent  of 
the  Army  Medical  Service,  thus  practically  the  great  bulk  of  the 
work  of  all  sorts  must  be  done  by  the  Medical  Reserve  officers.  We 
had  sanitary,  surgical,  medical,  and  laboratory  corps  connected  with 
the  hospitals  and  incident  to  camp  life,  but  the  little  group  that  was 
in  the  Army  at  the  time  war  was  declared,  although  remarkably 
efficient,  was  altogether  too  small,  except  to  use  in  training  reserve 
officers  in  the  administrative  and  military  side  of  the  work. 

Senator  Frelinghttysen.  Then  you  are  now  part  of  the  regular 
Medical  Service  of  the  Army? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes;  as  Medical  Reserve  Corps;  not  the  Regular 
Service. 

Senator  Frelinghttysen.  In  all  of  its  branches,  and  in  every 
capacity  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes;  for  work  up  to  the  grade  of  major. 

Senator  Frelinghttysen.  Doctor,  you  have  given  some  attention  to 
the  question  of  sanitation  and  hygiene  in  these  encampments,  have 
you  not? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  Frelinghttysen.  What  is  your  general  opinion  of  the 
present  condition  of  the  encampments? 

Maj.  Mayo.  The  present  condition  is  exceedingly  good.  In  the 
beginning,  of  course,  in  many  camps  the  hospitals  were  almost  the 
last  group  of  buildings  to  be  constructed,  so  that  we  were  sadly  han- 
dicapped, and  several  of  those  in  the  dry  and  dusty  Southwest  may 
have  to  be  abandoned.  However,  as  an  actual  result  of  the  work  ac- 
complished, we  might  compare  our  sickness  with  that  of  the  Japanese 
Army  in  their  preparation  for  war.  Their  condition  was  the  best 
in  the  world  at  that  time.  They  lost  from  sickness  twenty  to  the 
thousand.  We  have  lost  hardly  ten — twice  as  good  as  the  best  that 
has  ever  been  reported. 

Senator  Frelinghttysen.  In  the  administration  of  the  Medical 
Department  you  have  observed  the  workings  of  the  Public  Health 
Service,  have  you  not? 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


27 


Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  At  the  present  time  the  Surgeon  Gen- 
eral’s Office  have  jurisdiction  over  the  cantonments  and  within  the 
camps;  do  they  not? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  The  Public  Health  Service  have  charge 
of  the  area  outside  of  the  camps,  do  they  not?  I have  noticed  that 
an  appropriation  has  just  been  made  to  extend  and  enlarge  the  Pub- 
lic Health  Service,  under  which,  I believe,  are  certain  sanitarians. 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  An  appropriation  of  six  or  seven  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars  has  recently  been  made  to  care  for  malaria, 
venereal  diseases,  cerebrospinal  meningitis,  and  other  diseases  in  the 
localities  around  the  camps  and  cantonments.  Your  department  has 
nothing  to  do  with  that  service,  has  it? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Our  department  has  nothing  to  do  with  it,  just 
friendly  harmony  of  work. 

Senator  F relinghuysen . Do  you  not  believe  that  it  would  be  a 
better  organization  and  it  would  conduce  to  more  efficiency  if  that 
department  were  placed  under  the  Medical  Department  of  the  Army  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Personally,  I feel  so. 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  Here  are  two  organizations  working 
along  parallel  lines,  apt  to  duplicate,  complete,  and  overlap. 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  Has  any  recommendation  been  made  to 
the  Secretary  of  War  to  bring  that  about? 

Maj.  Mayo.  I have  understood  that  there  has  been  discussion  as  to 
placing  the  Public  Health  Service  under  the  Surgeon  General  during 
time  of  war. 

Senator  Fletcher.  You  said  something  about  training  the  Reserve 
for  military-administrative  purposes. 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  Fletcher.  What  sort  of  training  do  they  have  to  un- 
dergo? Do  they  undergo  that  before  they  enter  the  service  or  after 
they  enter  the  service  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  After  they  enter  the  service. 

Senator  Fletcher.  Any  special  training? 

Maj.  Mayo.  We  have  the  same  training  as  that  of  the  regular 
soldiers — all  of  the  general  marching  orders,  drills,  etc.  For  in- 
stance, at  Oglethorpe  there  are  now,  I think,  over  10,000  men  in  the 
Medical  Service.  That  means  the  stretcher  bearers,  all  of  the  hos- 
pital helpers  of  every  sort,  and  about  1,200  doctors. 

Senator  Fletcher.  What  I was  getting  at  is  this:  Do  you  have 
special  training  camps  for  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  Fletcher.  Or  are  they  trained  in  the  different  camps?. 

Maj.  Mayo.  They  are  separate.  The  enlisted  men  receive  training 
in  and  out  of  hospitals;  the  doctors  are  organized  into  groups  for 
medical  instruction  on  war  problems.  Several  medical  schools  have 
been  developed  at  the  camps  for  this  instruction.  There  is  an  as- 
sistant or  understudy  to  each  superior  officer.  Medical  training 
camps  adjacent  to  Regular  Army  camps  are  under  the  regular  line 
Army  control. 


28 


ADVANCED  RANK!  FOE  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Senator  McIvellar.  You  have  two  very  large  camps,  though,  one  j] 
at  Fort  Oglethorpe  and  one  at  Fort  Riley,  for  the  special  training  of 
men  in  the  Medical  Department? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  May  I be  permitted  to  finish  my  ques- 
tion ? 

Senator  McIvellar.  I beg  your  pardon;  I thought  you  had  finished 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  I should  like  to  ask  the  doctor  what  his 
opinion  is  of  the  location  of  the  southern  camps  during  the  summer, 
keeping  the  men  in  the  South.  I notice  that  in  this  appropriation 
for  the  Public  Health  Service  a large  sum  of  money  is  appropriated 
to  take  care  of  malaria  in  those  southern  camps;  and  recalling  the 
experience  of  the  United  States  Army  at  Chickamauga  and  other 
localities  in  the  South,  the  great  loss  of  life  from  typhoid,  malaria, 
and  other  causes,  I should  like  to  ask  the  doctor  whether  he  does 
not  believe  there  should  be  some  movement  of  those  troops  during 
the  summer.  I notice,  however,  in  that  appropriation  that  Florida  is 
not  mentioned.  I make  that  exception. 

Senator  Fletcher.  That  is  very  wise. 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  But,  as  I understand,  some  of  these 
camps  are  located  in  swampy  ground,  with  swamps  near  them,  where 
there  are  many  mosquitoes.  I should  like  to  ask  the  doctor  whether 
he  believes  that  the  health  of  the  soldiers  can  be  so  safeguarded  as  to 
prevent  an  unusual  loss  of  life  from  malaria  and  typhoid  in  those 
southern  camps? 

Maj.  Mayo.  It  is  perfectly  possible  to  protect  the  men  in  training 
at  any  of  those  camps.  I do  not  think  the  difficulties  could  be  com- 
pared to  the  work  of  the  Surgeon  General  in  Panama. 

Senator  McIvellar.  Do  you  know  what  the  expense  would  be,  for 
instance,  of  keeping  off  the  mosquitoes  in  a State  like  New  Jersey? 
[Laughter.] 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  May  I be  permitted  to  say,  in  reply  to 
that,  that  we  have  no  infection  in  New  Jersey  from  malaria  or  from 
yellow  fever  or  from  other  diseases  by  reason  of  the  mosquito,  and 
they  have  in  many  of  the  localities  in  the  South.  Of  course,  a great 
deal  of  amusement  can  be  created  by  this  comparison,  and  I note 
the  facetious  vein  that  the  Senator  from  Tennessee  has  used;  but 
my  interest  in  this  matter  is  the  protection  of  the  soldier,  and  I think 
the  Senator  from  Tennessee  will  agree  with  me  that  it  is  a matter  of  1 
great  importance,  if  these  camps  can  be  so  policed  as  to  bring  about 
a condition  of  proper  sanitation,  that  we  should  give  attention  to 
that.  The  only  interest  that  I have  is  to  see  that  the  proper  safe- 
guards are  thrown  around  the  health  of  the  soldiers. 

Senator  McKellar.  I think  I can  say  right  here  that  I am  per- 
fectly neutral  about  the  matter,  as  there  is  no  camp  in  Tennessee. 
They  did  not  put  one  there,  although  it  is  the  best  place  in  the  United 
States  that  I know  of  for  one.  I never  could  understand  why  they 
did  not  put  one  there,  but  they  did  not.  Hoivever,  I think  it  is  per- 
fectly fair  to  say  that  the  health  of  the  various  localities  where  these 
camps  are  now  is  just  as  good  as  could  be  found  in  the  United  States. 

I do  not  think  it  makes  a difference  of  three  men  one  way  or  the 
other. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


29 


Senator  Hitchcock.  I think  we  ought  to  come  back  to  this  bill ; 
and  if  the  committee  would  like  to  have  me  I will  read  into  the 
record  a letter  just  received  from  the  Acting  Secretary  of  War  on  this 
bill.  The  letter  is  dated  March  9,  and  was  received  here  March  14. 
It  is  addressed  to  the  chairman  of  the  committee. 

(Senator  Hitchcock  thereupon  read  aloud  the  following  letter:) 


March  9 , 1918. 


Chairman  Committee  on  Military  Affairs, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Dear  Sir  : 1.  Referring  to  Senate  bill  3748,  and  amendment  to  same,  referred 
to  this  office  for  report,  beg  to  state  as  follows : 

2.  The  act  of  August  29,  1916,  making  appropriations  for  the  Naval  Service 
for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1917.  reads  in  part  as  follows : 

“ Medical  Corps : One-half  medical  directors  with  the  rank  of  rear  admiral, 
to  four  medical  directors  with  the  rank  of  captain,  to  eight  medical  inspectors 
with  the  rank  of  commander,  to  eighty-seven  and  one-half  in  the  grades  below 
medical  inspector.  * * 

3.  In  the  Army  the  equivalents  would  be,  1 general,  8 colonels,  16  lieutenant 
colonels,  and  175  officers  in  the  grade  of  major,  captain,  and  first  lieutenant,  for 
each  200  medical  officers  on  active  duty. 

4.  Assuming  that  the  number  of  medical  officers  on  active  duty  will  soon 
reach  20.000,  this  would  provide  for  100  general  officers,  800  colonels,  1.600  lieu- 
tenant colonels,  and  17,500  officers  in  the  lower  grades. 

5.  The  number  of  officers  in  the  higher  grades  provided  by  this  proposed  legis- 
lation would  be  far  in  excess  of  the  number  authorized  for  service  with  troops, 
and  would  give  greatly  increased  rank  to  officers  serving  with  noncombatant 
troops,  over  those  serving  with  combatant  forces,  which  is  manifestly  contrary 
to  the  prevailing  views  as  to  what  is  equitable  and  right. 

6.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  act  of  August  29,  1916,  referred  to  above,  does 
not  include  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  of  the  Navy.  Attention  is  also  called  to 
the  fact  that  all  other  sections  of  the  Reserve  Corps  of  the  Army,  limit  the  high- 
est grade  to  that  of  major,  and  to  include  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  of  the 
Army  in  this  proposed  legislation,  would  result  in  not  only  the  abnormal  and 
unwarranted  promotions,  as  set  forth  in  paragraph  4 above,  but  would  give 
officers  of  the  medical  section  of  the  Reserve  Corps  higher  grades  than  provided 
for  any  other  section  of  the  Reserve  Corps,  which  would  be  a manifest  injustice. 

7.  Taken  as  a whole,  this  proposed  legislation  is  regarded  as  highly  undesir- 
able, and  I strongly  recommend  that  it  be  not  favorably  considered. 

Yours,  very  truly, 


Benedict  Crowell, 
Acting  Secretary  of  War. 


Senator  Hitchcock.  Doctor,  are  there  among  the  Medical  Deserve 
officers  100  men  that  you  think  are  entitled  to  the  rank  of  general 
officers  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  There  are. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  And  800  who  would  be  entitled  to  the  rank  of 
colonel  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Easily. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  And  1,G00  who  would  be  entitled  to  the  rank 
of  lieutenant  colonel? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes;  of  course  all  these  positions  should  not  now  be 
filled.  Opportunity  should  be  allowed,  by  a reserve  number  of  posi- 
tions, for  advancement  of  those  whose  record  of  efficiency  and  heroism 
in  their  official  capacity  demand  recognition. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  As  well  as  the  17,500  for  the  lower  grades. 
Now,  what  have  you  to  say  to  this  argument,  that  to  give  medical 
officers  in  the  Deserve  Corps  these  high  ranks  would  be  an  injustice  to 
other  officers  in  the  Deserve  Corps? 


30 


ADVANCED  BANK  EOB  ABMY  MEDICAL  OEEICEES. 


Maj.  Mayo.  This  answer  requires  some  explanation.  As  president 
of  the  American  Medical  Association  I represent  organized  medicine 
with  over  82,000  members.  We  have  in  our  country  approximately 
140,000  doctors.  About  40,000  are  incompetent  from  lack  of  educa- 
tion and  training;  about  20,000  are  aged  or  retired;  about  20,000,  still 
active,  are  over  age  for  service.  Of  the  60,000  remaining  we  have 
over  22,000  enrolled  for  service  and.  nearly  18,000  commissioned. 
This  is  a great  record  when  we  consider  that  among  those  not  enrolled 
we  include  those  physically  disqualified  and  also  some  incompetent. 
These  men,  nearly  all  a volunteer  service,  have  left  home,  family,  and 
practice  to  serve  their  country  for  the  period  of  the  war,  not  in  a new 
line  of  military  duty  alone  which  we.  as  do  others,  acquire  within  a 
few  months,  but  we  continue  to  serve  in  the  line  of  our  life  training. 
What  other  body  of  men  have  done  as  much  ? Again,  the  important 
man  on  the  local  board  is  the  doctor,  also  on  the  appeal  board.  This 
is,  so  to  speak,  a medical  war,  in  which  disease  is  prevented,  con- 
trolled. and  abolished  and  the  wounded  cured  and  returned  many 
times  to  the  front.  We  should  be  accorded  the  same  position  and 
recognition  as  accorded  the  Signal  and  Engineering  Corps  in  the 
Army  service,  and  we  also  request  to  be  put  in  the  combatant  class, 
inasmuch  as  we  are  such,  although  not  accorded  this  distinction  in 
the  Geneva  Convention. 

Senator  Fletcher.  What  about  the  distinction  they  seem  to  draw 
between  combatants  and  noncombatants? 

Maj.  Mayo.  All  men  will  not  be  in  active  warfare.  The  fighting 
men  have  got  to  be  taken  care  of  and  kept  in  a high  state  of  efficiency, 
and  it  is  very  important  to  prevent  disease  in  those  that  are  getting 
ready  to  fight,  and  are  in  training,  and  to  care  for  those  who  are  sent 
back.  Also  in  reconstruction  work,  the  care  required  on  the  part  of 
the  medical  men  is  exactly  the  same  right  through.  It  is  a great  mis- 
take that  the  medical  officers  of  the  army  should  be  classified  as  non- 
combatants.  We  suffer  all  of  the  dangers  incident  to  active  Army 
life,  the  extra  dangers  in  the  care  of  contagious  diseases,  and  when 
captured  suffer  all  of  the  privations  as  prisoners  of  war  accorded  to 
the  other  departments  of  the  service.  That  word  noncombatant  ap- 
plied to  our  profession  has  been  most  unfortunate. 

France  has  recognized  her  medical  profession;  England  has  recog- 
nized her  medical  profession;  and  when  we  go  over  there  it  is  not 
like  it  is  at  home,  where  we  are  known,  and  at  here  Ave  would  go 
farther  with  our  name  than  we  would  Avith  our  clothes  and  our  in- 
signia. Here,  our  name  goes  very  much  further  than  anything  that 
our  Government  will  do  for  us;  but,  when  Ave  go  abroad,  and  must 
mix  Avith  the  Englishmen  and  the  French,  then  they  do  not  know 
who  is  inside  the  clothes,  and  they  look  to  see  Avhat  our  Government 
has  done  to  recognize  us ; Ave  go  only  as  far  as  our  Government  recog- 
nizes us  Avith  those  countries. 

Senator  Fletcher.  In  other  words,  this  Avork  of  the  noncom- 
batants is  just  as  important  and  really  just  as  dangerous,  as  far  as 
many  of  its  features  are  concerned,  as  the  work  of  the  combatants? 

Maj.  Mayo.  It  is  just  as  dangerous  as  far  as  disease  and  the  Avork 
is  concerned.  After  all,  the  first  thing  is  your  man  who  is  healthy ; 
and  Ave  have  found,  when  we  Avent  over  these  young  men  betAveen  21 
and  31,  that  nearly  40  per  cent  of  them  are  not  able  to  go  for  some 


ADVANCED  RANK  EOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFEICERS. 


31 


reason  or  other — bad  health  in  the  third  decade  of  life  in  this  coun- 
try through  preventable  disease. 

The  Surgeon  General,  who  is  at  the  head  of  all  the  medical  work  of 
this  country,  is  not  a member  of  the  War  College. 

Take  the  Mesopotamia  failure  and  all  of  those  conditions  that  came 
up  in  Europe.  That  was  proven  to  be  medical  failure  and  as  a result 
an  expeditionary  failure.  Our  War  Department  is  developed  on  the 
old  lines,  when  there  were  no  airships  or  observation  balloons  or 
undersea  boats.  Strategy  was  important.  The  only  strategy  in  this 
was  was  over  after  the  first  four  months,  and  next  comes  propaganda 
in  warfare. 

It  is  indeed  but  rare  that  more  soldiers  are  employed  in  any  one 
sector  at  a time  to  require  a higher  ranking  officer  than  colonel  or 
captain  in  command.  England  and  France  have  recognized  the  medi- 
cal profession  the  highest-paid  group  to-day  in  the  English  service. 
Col.  Goodwin,  formerly  advisor  in  the  Surgeon  General’s  office,  is 
now  a lieutenant  general.  They  have  rank  and  authority,  while  our 
Government  stamps  the  medical  service  at  30  cents  when  we  meet  in 
council  with  the  English  and  French.  What  a humiliation  to  our 
highest  surgeons  in  the  profession  now  over  there  as  majors — Drs. 
John  Finney,  Charles  Peck,  George  Crile,  Harvey  Cushing,  Gold- 
thwaite,  Beasley,  George  Brewer,  and  hundreds  of  other  well-known 
men,  who  give  confidence  to  the  Army  and  home  folks  that  their 
health  will  be  protected. 

Senator  Myers.  I suppose,  Doctor,  you  find  in  military  life,  as  well 
as  in  civil  life,  that  it  is  just  as  important  to  keep  men  well  as  to  cure 
them  after  they  get  sick? 

Maj.  Mayo.  To  keep  them  well  after  we  get  them  in — sanitary, 
preventive  medicine  to-day  is  highly  important  in  Army  life. 

Senator  Sutherland.  Doctor,  have  you  any  figures  bearing  on  the 
casualties  among  officers  in  the  Medical  Corps  in  the  foreign  service 
in  the  English  and  F rench  Armies  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  I could  not  give  them  off  hand,  but  we  can  get  them 
for  you.  I can  say,  however,  that  we  had  recently  five  medical  officers 
of  the  reserve  corps  killed  and  many  wounded. 

Senator  Sutherland.  You  have  not  any  data  relating  to  that 
matter? 

Maj.  Mayo.  I believe  Dr.  Martin  could  get  that. 

Maj.  Martin.  I can  not  answer  that  positively.  I simply  know 
that  the  casualties  among  the  medical  profession  are  among  the 
highest.  I am  not  sure  but  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  the 
casualties  among  the  medical  officers  were  the  very  highest. 

Senator  Sutherland.  You  are  referring  now  to  medical  officers? 

Maj.  Martin.  All  medical  men  are  officers,  except  the  enlisted  per- 
sonnel. 

Senator  Sutherland.  Yes;  but  there  are  a good  many  men  in  the 
corps  in  the  enlisted  personnel.  Of  course,  this  is  another  branch 
of  it. 

Maj.  Martin.  I was  speaking  of  the  officers.  The  highest  casual- 
ties, 1 think,  have  been  among  the  medical  officers. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Dr.  Mayo,  can  you  give  the  committee  a pic- 
ture of  the  medical  service  in  France — what  we  have  in  the  way 
of  hospitals,  how  they  are  located,  and  who  commands  them? 


32 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Maj.  Mayo.  We  have  six  hospitals  with  the  English  service  and 
one  with  the  French. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  What  have  we  in  the  American  service  over 
there  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Dr.  Sullivan  is  in  the  office,  and  he  is  here. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Is  there  an  American  base  hospital  established 
over  there  already? 

Maj.  Sullivan.  There  are  16. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  In  the  American  service — in  our  own  service? 

Maj.  Sullivan.  Yes. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Who  is  in  charge  of  each  hospital?  I mean 
to  say,  a medical  officer  of  what  rank? 

Maj.  Sullivan.  Lieutenant  colonels  and  colonels. 

Maj.  Mayo.  But  here  was  the  point:  A man  in  the  Reserve  Medi- 
cal Service  can  only  become  a major,  but  the  Regular  Army  Medical 
Service  goes  up  to  colonel;  and  so  in  each  base  hospital  a higher 
officer  is  taken  out  of  the  old  Regular  Army  to  put  over  this  major. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  And  there  may  be  a Regular  Army  officer 
of  higher  rank  in  charge  of  a hospital,  whereas  greater  surgeons 
are  working  under  him  with  inferior  rank? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes.  That  may  be  the  case. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Is  each  base  hospital  in  charge  of  a colonel 
in  the  Regular  Medical  Service? 

Maj.  Mayo.  A colonel  or  a lieutenant  colonel. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  How  large  are  those  base  hospitals? 

Maj.  Mayo.  A thousand  beds.  Some  of  those,  I think,  now  have 
2,000  to  4,000  beds. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  The  passage  of  this  bill  would  enable  a medi- 
cal officer  of  the  Reserve  Corps,  and  of  the  rank  of  colonel  or  lieu- 
tenant colonel,  to  be  placed  in  charge  of  one  of  those  base  hospitals? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes;  if  he  is  competent. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  And  at  the  present  time  he  can  not  be? 

Maj.  Mayo.  He  can  not  be;  no. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Because  he  only  has  the  rank  of  major? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  McKellar.  Major,  has  the  Medical  Department  of  the 
Army  any  representation  on  the  General  Staff? 

Maj.  Mayo.  No ; not  that  I know  of. 

Senator  McKellar.  Gen.  Gorgas  is  not  a member  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Not  of  the  War  College. 

Maj.  Sullivan.  Col.  Williamson  is  now  over  there,  but  I do  not 
know  whether  or  not  he  has  a seat. 

Senator  McKellar.  I am  talking  about  the  General  Staff  here. 
Do  you  have  any  representation  on  that? 

Maj.  Sullivan.  I think  we  have  one  man. 

Maj.  Mayo.  Not  unless  he  has  been  put  on  lately. 

Maj.  Sullivan.  Dr.  Williamson  has  just  been  put  on. 

Maj.  Martin.  Mr.  Chairman,  may  I answer  that  question? 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Certainly. 

Maj.  Martin.  Col.  Williamson  has  been  in  the  War  College  for 
nearly  a year,  but  he  does  not  represent  the  Surgeon  General’s  office. 
The  Surgeon  General  really  has  no  representative  on  the  War  College. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOE  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


33 


Senator  Warren.  But  what  about  the  General  Staff?  He  has  no 
representation  on  the  General  Staff? 

Maj.  Martin.  No. 

Senator  Warren.  What  are  the  duties  of  Col.  Williamson,  of  whom 
you  speak? 

Maj.  Martin.  He  is  medical  officer,  and  presumably  he  is  under  the 
Surgeon  General’s  command,  but  he  does  not  properly  represent  him 
in  the  Surgeon  General’s  office.  He  is  not  his  representative. 

Senator  Warren.  How  did  he  get  on  the  General  St  iff,  other  than 
as  a representative  of  his  department?  I am  just  trying  to  get  the 
fact.  1 do  not  know  what  it  is. 

Maj.  Martin.  The  General  Staff  asked,  probably,  that  some  one 
be  appointed  as  medical  officer  to  the  General  Staff:  and  Col.  Wil- 
liamson was  available  and  he  was  placed  there. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  To  give  information,  I suppose,  and  to  be 
on  hand? 

Maj.  Martin.  Yes;  to  give  information,  but  not  to  represent  the 
Surgeon  General. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Are  there  any  further  questions? 

Senator  Fletcher.  Do  reserve  officers  actually  serve  in  the 
trenches  >. 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes.  At  the  front  they  are  called  regimental  sur- 
geons, and  also  serve  in  the  field  or  the  evacuation  hospital  and  back 
to  the  rear  in  the  base  hospital. 

Senator  Fletcher.  Are  the  regimental  surgeons  sometimes  taken 
from  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Usually.  We  have  had  four  young  men  from  our 
clinic  go  “over  the  top’’  with  the  men  and  come  back  with  wounded. 

Senator  Weeks.  How  long  have  you  been  in  the  service.  Doctor  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  I have  been  in  the  service  a number  of  years  as  a lieu- 
tenant reserve  officer.  Last  year  I joined  the  new  reserve  corps. 

Senator  Weeks.  I mean  in  active  service? 

Maj.  Mayo.  I constantly  keep  changing  with  my  brother.  First 
me  is  down  for  a few  weeks  and  then  the  other  is  down  for  a few 
sveeks. 

Senator  Weeks.  You  stated  that  you  had  recently  returned  from 
i trip  to  the  camps.  Was  it  an  inspection  trip? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes;  inspecting  at  Fort  Oglethorpe  and  Fort  Mc- 
Pherson. 

Senator  Weeks.  Did  you  make  recommendations  as  a result  of 
four  inspection  ? 

' Maj.  Mayo.  I have  just  returned,  and  I have  not  made  any  report 
o the  Surgeon  General.  I was  with  the  Surgeon  General. 

Senator  Weeks.  What  I wanted  to  lead  up  to  was  whether  you 
lad  observed,  since  you  have  been  in  the  service,  failure  on  the  part 
if  line  officers  to  carry  out  the  recommendations  of  medical  officers. 

Maj.  Mayo.  In  the  Medical  Service  and  in  the  military  life  if  a 
uan  makes  his  recommendation  verbally  and  asks  for  things  it  can 
be  acted  upon,  or  not.  If  he  desires  very  much  to  have  it  carried 
hrough  he  might  make  it  a matter  of  written  record,  and  then,  being 
ji  matter  of  record,  it  would  have  to  be  reported.  The  important 
hing  is  the  delay.  Those  are  some  of  the  military  difficulties. 


61461—18 3 


34 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICEBS. 


Senator  Weeks.  Do  you  personally  know  cases  where  the  efficiency 
of  doctors  has  been  ruined  because  they  have  been  insistent  on  recom- 
mendations? 

Maj.  Mayo.  I think  such  things  could  be  found. 

Senator  Weeks.  I think  very  likely  in  some  instance ; but 

Maj.  Mayo.  I have  just  recently  discussed  this  matter  with  the  old- 
line  doctors  who  have  been  in  the  service  25  or  30  years,  and  while 
once  they  are  matters  of  record  those  things  must  be  acted  upon, 
the  trouble  is,  as  I find  in  talking  with  these  men.  that  they  some- 
times sacrifice  their  position  in  making  the  fight,  or  else  they  must 
give  up;  and  if  it  is  very  important  they  must  force  it  through  on 
their  own  account,  or  else  there  comes  some  scandal  that  puts  them 
out. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  What  sort  of  recommendation  do  you  refer 
to?  Can  you  give  some  samples  of  the  kind  of  recommendations 
doctors  will  make,  and  the  line  officers  disregard? 

Maj.  Mayo.  About  all  sorts  of  trivial  things  connected  with  the 
hospital  administrations  if  they  are  connected  with  line  work.  For 
instance,  take  one  of  the  cantonments  South.  It  lias  a general  hos- 
pital, and  there  is  a guard  that  works  in  the  city  near-by,  protecting 
Government  goods.  A second  lieutenant  was  in  authority  over  a 
colonel  in  the  Medical  Service.  All  of  the  mail  that  would  come 
to  this  big  hospital  of  1.000  beds  would  go  to  this  second  lieutenant 
to  be  opened,  and  there  would  be  delay  in  transmission.  The  colonel 
was  an  old-line  medical  officer,  and  insisted  that  this  was  a general 
hospital  by  the  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War:  and  he  carried  it  to 
Washington,  and  after  five  weeks  of  effort  finally  this  matter  has 
been  settled  for  that  one  hospital — that  this  man,  commanding  a 
guard  in  the  city,  a guard  of  comparatively  a few  men.  should  not 
have  anything  to  do  over  this  hospital,  of  which  he  knows  nothing, 
having  been  in  the  service  but  a few  months  himself.  Those  are 
the  things  that  one  has  to  contend  with. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Of  course  that  is  nothing  involving  sanita- 
tion, or  health,  or  medical  treatment? 

Maj.  Mayo.  No;  not  necessarily,  but  it  may. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  This  bill  does  not  cure  that  condition. 

Maj.  Mayo.  No:  but  that  is  easily  remedied. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  I have  heard  the  other  side  of  it  recently  at 
one  of  the  camps.  They  say  that  sometimes  the  medical  officers  are 
over-technical  and  theoretical  with  their  advice.  For  instance,  at 
one  camp  that  I visited  they  were  tearing  down  a lot  of  ovens  that 
had  been  built  on  medical  advice,  where,  I believe,  the  waste  was  dis-  i) 
posed  of — incinerators,  or  something  of  that  kind.  I do  not  exactly! 
understand  it. 

Maj.  Mayo.  Garbage  from  the  kitchen. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Yes.  They  were  tearing  down  those  ovens. 
They  had  been  found  to  be  a waste  of  money.  They  could  just  as 
well  pour  the  water  into  the  sand,  and  let  it  disappear,  as  to  boil  it 
into  the  air.  It  looked  in  that  case  as  though  common-sense  was 
with  the  line  officer,  and  against  the.  medical  officer  whose  advice  had 
been  taken,  and  which  had  involved  a good  deal  of  expense. 

Maj.  Mayo.  I should  dislike  to  be  put  in  the  position  of  criticizing 
the  line  officers.  There  is  no  question  that  with  the  sudden  enormous 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICEBS. 


35 


expansion — in  the  Medical  Service  97  per  cent  is  new  life  coming 
in  to  help  out  the  old  3 per  cent — we  have  done  remarkably  well; 
and  I think  it  would  look  bad  on  anyone’s  part  just  now  to  criticize 
what  has  been  done,  so  long  as  efficiency  has  finally  been  developed. 
I do  not  fear  so  much  for  what  will  happen  on  this  side,  but  I do 
think  it  is  the  other  side  where  the  danger  comes. 

As  I stated  in  the  report  that  I read,  the  medical  officer  is  going 
on  to  do  his  work,  and  do  it  under  military  rules,  regardless  of  any 
action  of  Congress,  to  raise  his  rank  and  authority;  but  we  do  feel 
that  we  should  like  to  make  it  a matter  of  record  that  these  things 
were  asked  for.  so  that  if  there  should  be  any  scandal  that  affected 
the  medical  profession  we  could  turn  to  this  request,  and  show  that 
the  reason  for  the  scandal  was  that  no  authority,  no  rank,  was  given 
us  in  order  to  accomplish  the  things  that  can  be  done  to-day. 

Senator  Warren.  I should  like  to  ask  you  a question — perhaps  I 
did  not  understand  you  about  this  matter  of  the  second  lieutenant. 
Would  it  make  any  difference  what  the  rank  of  the  medical  officer  was 
there  as  to  the  relations  that  exist  between  the  medical  and  the  line 
; officers?  Of  course,  there  must  be  line  officers  in  charge  of  certain 
things. 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes;  a superior  or  general  medical  officer  saves  much 
lost  motion.  Otherwise  the  medical  major  or  even  colonel  of  a base 
hospital  reports  to  the  commanding  line  officer  who,  in  turn,  reports 
to  the  commander  of  the  department  in  a far  distant  city,  who 
reports  to  The  Adjutant  General  in  Washington,  who  then  sends  it  to 
the  Surgeon  General’s  Office,  and  the  answer  makes  its  way  in  the 
' reverse  order  back  to  the  post  many  days  later.  A superior  or  rank- 
ing medical  officer  could  report  direct  to  Washington  and  also  could 
personally  settle  most  questions. 

Senator  Warren.  And  in  that  way  you  may  say  the  line  officer  is 
superior. 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes;  property  is  placed  above  life. 

Senator  Warren.  I wanted  to  get  your  idea  as  to  whether,  in  that 
i particular  case,  it  made  very  much  difference  what  the  rank  of  the 
surgeon  might  have  been. 

Maj.  Mayo.  Reports  would  have  to  go  through  him  unless  a general 
medical  officer  was  present.  It  is  all  right  in  the  field,  but  not  all 
right  in  the  training  camp,  and  it  can  be  easily  changed. 

Senator  Warren.  Then  you  w ant  some  changes  other  than  that  ? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  Warren.  Besides  rank,  you  want  a change  in  the  juris- 
prudence. if  you  please? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Only  in  control  of  medical  affairs  outside  of  the  fight- 
ing zone.  That  part  is  all  ready  to  be  fixed,  and  I am  sorry  that  I 
Imerely  mentioned  it  in  showing  you  that  we  are  under  line  officers. 

1 Senator  Warren.  That  is  why  I asked  you,  because  that  is  quite 
apart  from  the  matter  of  rank. 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  Have  you  visited  Camp  Greene? 

Maj.  Mayo.  I have  not. 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  Do  you  know  anything  about  its  condi- 
tion at  the  present  time  ? 


36 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Maj.  Mayo.  I could  not  report  on  that.  I have  just  come  hack. 
I have  been  away  from  the  office  for  a week. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Under  the  plan,  will  you  go  to  France,  Dr. 
Mayo,  or  your  brother? 

Map  Mayo.  That  is  possible.  We  are,  of  course,  acting  as  advisers 
in  the  office  of  the  Surgeon  General,  and  whatever  lie  requests  will  lie 
done. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  He  can  send  you  there? 

Maj.  Mayo.  Yes. 

Senator  Weeks.  Do  I understand  you  to  have  said,  in  answer  to 
Senator  Warren’s  question,  that  matters  are  about  to  be  presented 
that  would  have  to  do  with  determining  the  jurisdiction  of  the  line 
or  the  staff  at  certain  places? 

Maj.  Mayo.  I just  happened  to  find  that  article  120  in  the  court- 
martial  proceedings  covers  that  point,  and  that  the  last  line  in  it 
says  “unless  otherwise  ordered  by  the  President;”  so  that  it  is  some- 
thing that  does  not  have  to  go  before  Congress,  and  can  be  changed 
to  care  for  emergency  when  made  a special  order  for  certain  camps. 
With  general  officers  in  medical  corps  they  would  have  full  control 
of  medical  affairs. 

Senator  Weeks.  What  I had  in  mind  in  asking  that  question  was 
that  it  does  not  seem  to  me  that  the  bill  which  we  are  now  con- 
sidering is  going  to  have  any  determining  effect  at  all  in  differences 
between  the  line  and  the  staff.  It  is  simply  a question  of  giving  in- 
creased rank  to  certain  officers.  That  is  all  it  amounts  to. 

I am  in  agreement  with  you  with  regard  to  the  relative  rank  which 
should  obtain  when  our  medical  men  are  serving  with  the  armies  of 
other  nations.  That  is  one  of  the  contentions  that  has  been  made  in 
the  Navy  for  years — that  almost  invariably,  when  our  Navy  was 
serving  with  other  navies,  the  foreign  officer  was  in  command;  and 
we  have  failed  for  a long  time  to  get  the  increased  rank  for  our 
naval  officers,  because  Congress  thought  that  the  rank  of  rear  admiral 
was  rank  enough  for  a man  to  have  in  ordinary  times. 

I think  myself  that  when  medical  officers  are  serving  with  foreign 
armies  they  should  have  some  increased  rank  on  that  account,  but 
I do  not  see  how  it  is  going  to  affect  your  relations  with  the  line  of 
the  Army.  That  is  a matter  that  I think  should  be  i7ery  carefully 
considered  before  any  change  is  made.  The  instance  you  gave  is 
evidently  a very  unusual  one;  and  I should  think  that  if  it  were 
brought  to  the  attention  of  anybody  in  authority  it  would  have  been 
settled  in  about  two  minutes. 

Senator  New.  Part  of  that  argument  was  conceded  when  we  cre- 
ated the  ranks  of  general  and  lieutenant  general  in  the  Army  by 
recent  congressional  enactment,  to  put  our  Army  officers  on  a par 
with  those  commanding  foreign  armies  with  whom  they  were  in 
service. 

Senator  Weeks.  That  is  true. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  It  seems  to  be  an  anomaly  that  we  take  men 
out  of  civil  life  who  have  attained  the  very  top  rank  of  their  profes- 
sion and  then  stick  them  in  the  Army  and  subordinate  them  to  men 
who  are  occupying  a very  inferior  scale  of  rank  according  to  all 
human  standards. 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ABMY  MEDICAL  OFFICEBS. 


37 


Senator  McKellab.  Take,  for  instance,  the  matter  of  finances.  I 
suppose  that  the  doctors  give  up  more  financially  than  any  other  set 
of  people  that  are  brought  into  our  Army.  There  is  no  doubt  about 
that. 

Senator  Frelinghuysen.  I wish  to  ask  Maj.  Mayo  why  medicine 
occupies  the  apparent  lowly  position  it  does  to-day  when  it  can  do  so 
much  to  control  disease? 

Maj.  Mayo.  It  is  because  medicine  has  been  divided  into  many 
bureaus  and  boards  in  various  Government  departments,  possibly 
17  in  all,  including  several  Cabinet  positions.  What  would  be  a 
great  work  in  one  Cabinet  position  loses  its  importance  through  divi- 
sion. There  is  much  overlapping  of  detail  work,  more  than  a dou- 
bling of  the  necessary  workers,  and  many  times  in  the  expenditure 
of  money,  and  no  department,  board,  or  bureau  that  has  any  hold  on 
medical  affairs  will  let  go,  concentrate,  or  coordinate  the  work. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  I am  inclined  to  think  the  bill  goes  too  far, 
but  I believe  that  we  ought  to  do  something  in  this  direction. 

(Thereupon  the  committee  adjourned  subject  to  the  call  of  the 
chairman.) 


. 

' 

I. 


I 


ADVANCED  KANE  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL 
OFFICERS. 


WEDNESDAY,  MAY  1,  1918. 

Subcommittee  ox  Military  Affairs, 

United  States  Senate, 

Washington , D.  C. 

The  subcommittee  met  at  3.80  o'clock  p.  m.,  in  the  committee  room 
at,  the  Capitol,  Senator  Kenneth  D.  McKellar,  presiding. 

Present:  Senator  McKellar  (chairman),  Senator  Warren,  Senator 
X ew , and  Senator  Owen. 

Also  present:  Maj.  Gen.  William  C.  Gorgas.  Surgeon  General  of 
the  Army  ; and  Maj.  W.  D.  Haggard.  Maj.  Victor  C.  Vaughan,  and 
Maj.  F.  F.  Simpson,  Medical  Reserve  Corps. 

On  April  27,  1918,  a subcommittee,  consisting  of  Senators  McKel- 
lar, Warren,  and  Xew,  were  appointed  by  the  chairman  to  consider 
the  bill  (S.  37d8)  fixing  the  grades  of  the  commissioned  officers  of  the 
Medical  Corps  and  of  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  of  the  United  States 
Army  on  active  duty,  and  for  other  purposes. 

The  Chairman.  We  will  first  hear  Maj.  Haggard. 

STATEMENT  OF  MAJ.  W.  D.  HAGGARD.  MEDICAL  RESERVE  CORPS, 
UNITED  STATES  ARMY. 

The  Chairman.  Major,  jmu  are  in  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps,  and 
stationed  here  in  Washington  for  the  present,  are  you  not  % 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes,  sir. 

The  Chairman.  Have  you  examined  the  Owen  bill,  so-called  Sen- 
ate bill  3748  ? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes,  sir;  I have  gone  into  it  as  carefully  as  I could. 

The  Chairman.  Will  you  give  the  subcommittee  your  views  as  to 
this  bill  and  as  to  the  necessity  for  it,  and  add  anything  that  you 
may  have  to  say  about  it. 

Maj.  Haggard.  Mr.  Chairman,  I have  prepared  a brief  statement 
that  I desire  to  make,  after  the  study  that  I have  been  able  to  make 
of  the  bill. 

The  purpose  of  the  Owen  bill  is  to  give  efficiency  to  the  entire 
Medical  Department  of  the  Army,  and  to  give  justice  to  the  Medical 
Reserve  Corps,  which  now  constitutes  95.5  per  cent  of  the  combined 
| Corps.  It  is  accurately  computed  on  a carefully  worked  out  percent- 
age basis.  It  distributes  the  officers  on  active  duty  in  the  same  ratio 
1 as  now  exists  in  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  Navy.  V hen  war  was  de- 
clared there  were  approximately  450  men  in  the  Army  Medical  Corps. 

39 


40 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ABMV  MEDICAL  OFFICEBS. 


At  the  last  report,  April  26, 1918,  there  were  843.  It  is  obvious  that 
this  splendid  but  limited  group  could  not  care  for  the  vasf  number 
of  soldiers  required.  The  civilian  surgeons,  Avith  their  broad  ex-  ; 
perience  and  special  skill,  Avere  appealed  to.  During  the  last  year,  to 
their  lasting  honor,  18,693  doctors  have  patriotically  volunteered 
their  services.  They  constitute  the  floiver  of  American  medicine. 
They  have  done  this  under  the  stress  of  very  great  personal,  domestic, 
and  financial  sacrifices.  A larger  per  cent,  of  medical  men  betAveen 
the  ages  of  22  and  55  have  volunteered  than  of  men  who  have 
been  drafted  betAveen  the  ages  of  21  and  31.  More  physicians  have 
entered  the  seiwice  than  from  all  other  professions  combined.  This 
has  been  accomplished  largely  through  the  stimulating  activities  of 
the  medical  section  of  the  Council  of  National  Defense. 

The  Army  is  calling  for  5,000  more  physicians  for  immediate  work  ji 
for  short  preliminary  military  training  and  to  be  held  in  reserve,  f 

The  Navy  is  calling  for  2.000  more. 

Of  the  60,000  active  and  available  doctors  in  the  United  States, 
there  aa- ill  soon  be  one  out  of  three  in  the  medical  service  of  the 
Army.  None  of  these  volunteers  asked  for  or  the  18,693  men  already 
commissioned  in  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  can  obtain  rank  aboA'e 
a major  in  the  reserve  corps:  whereas,  college  seniors,  business  men, 
bankers,  lawyers,  etc.,  after  a few  months  in  the  officers’  training 
camp,  are  eligible  to  commission  that  may  by  promotion  be  increased 
to  the  highest  rank.  These  men  enter  an  entirely  new  profession, 
that  of  arms,  Avhereas  the  physician  Avho  is  tAviee  educated  (collegiate 
and  professional)  at  his  own  expense  and  not  the  expense  of  the 
Government,  is  able  to  bring  to  bear  all  of  his  years  of  training  and 
ability  along  the  lines  of  his  life  work. 

As  chairman  of  the  committee  of  the  Council  of  National  Defense, 
medical  section,  for  the  State  of  Tennessee.  I know  personallv  of  the 
great  sacrifices,  the  number  of  dependents,  and  the  almost  insuper- 
able obstacles  that  liaise  been  overcome  by  many  of  the  479  doctors  | 
Avfio  have  left  their  practices  and  their  homes  in  that  State.  When 
the  war  has  been  prosecuted  to  its  victorious  finish  these  men  will 
return  to  find  their  practice  divided  among  their  competitors. 

The  countv  in  Avhich  the  capital  of  Tennessee  is  situated  has  given 
26.5  of  its  physicians,  which  is  betAveen  one-third  and  one-half  of  all  I 
of  the  active  practitioners. 

The  county  in  which  Senator  McKellar  resides  has  furnished  118 
out  of  its  429  doctors  (25.4  per  cent). 

If  the  medical  reserve  officers  should  receive  grade  above  that  in 
the  same  ratio  as  the  present  Regular  Army,  it  Avould  give  them  40 
colonels  and  80  lieutenant  colonels  to  eATerv  1.000  medical  officers. 

As  it  is  noAV.  they  have  none — no  lieutenant  colonels,  nothing  aboA’e  I 
major. 

The  Chairman.  Except  in  the  National  Army? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes:  except  in  the  National  Army.  I shall  speak 
of  that  in  a moment. 

The  Oavoii  bill  would  give  5 general  officers,  40  colonels,  and  80 
lieutenant  colonels  for  every  1.000  medical  reserve  officers  on  duty. 

At  the  present  time  there  ai’e  16,359  on  active  duty. 

There  are  in  the  Medical  Department  of  the  Army  (and  that  onlv 
in  the  National  Army)  only  three  brigadier  generals,  or  one  to  each 
5,453  medical  officers. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


41 


The  Chairman.  I believe  the  President  has  the  right  to  appoint 
about  nine  others,  has  he  not? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes. 

The  Chairman.  And  he  lias  not  availed  himself  of  that  privilege? 

Maj.  Haggard.  In  the  way  the  war  machinery  is  at  the  present 
rime  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  get  the  Executive  to  consider  a mat- 
ter of  that  sort,  and  the  idea  was  that  some  legislation  should  be 
enacted  that  would  automatically  regulate  the  thing  on  a sliding 
percentage  basis  that  would  be  permanent. 

The  Chairman.  The  British  Army  has  over  5,000,000  men  now. 

Maj.  Haggard.  I am  speaking  of  the  Medical  Corps  only. 

The  Chairman.  But  as  to  the  Medical  Corps  it  is  proportionate, 
is  it  not? 

Maj.  Haggard.  I think  you  know.  Senator,  that  the  English  Army 
is  dreadfully  undermanned,  and  that  they  have  not  the  resources  that 
this  great  Nation  has.  I am  told  that  there  are  districts  in  England 
where  from  ten  to  twelve  thousand  people  are  without  a doctor.  I 
will  call  your  attention  in  a few  moments  to  the  fact  that  we  have 
loaned  England  2.000  medical  men  already,  and  they  are  now  calling 
for  200  more. 

The  Chairman.  I know  that. 

Maj.  Haggard.  In  an  Infantry  brigade,  I am  informed,  there  is 
1 brigadier  general  to  160  line  officers;  and  in  Field  Artillery,  1 
brigadier  general  to  127  line  officers. 

There  is  a large  number  of  major  generals  among  the  line  officers, 
lint  the  only  surgeon  ever  given  that  rank  is  Maj.  Gen.  Gorgas.  That 
ay  as  by  special  act  of  Congress  and  in  recognition  of  his  epoch-mak- 
ing sendee  in  cleaning  up  pestilential  Cuba  and  making  the  construc- 
tion of  the  Panama  Canal  possible  by  converting  it  from  a charnal 
house  into  a zone  more  salubrious  than  any  American  city. 

It  is  estimated  with  an  army  of  2,000,000  men  that  the  medical, 
sanitary,  dental,  veterinary,  and  nursing  corps,  together  with  the 
enlisted  personnel,  will  total  275,000  persons. 

The  English  experience  of  25  per  cent  of  beds  for  the  number  of 
the  fighting  force  that  will  be  sick  and  wounded  would  make  500.000. 
This,  accordingly,  approximates  775,000  indivdduals  aat1io  will  be 
under  the  direction  of  the  Surgeon  General.  It  is  thus  seen  that 
this  one  major  general  has  more  officers  under  his  command  than  any 
other  general,  save  the  great  General  of  the  Expeditionary  Forces. 

It  is  the  duty  of  a highly  specialized  medical  department  to 
S speedily  cure  the  large  army  of  ineffectives  and  return  them  to  the 
firing  line.  Medical  officers  require  adequate  rank  to  secure  from  the 
line  officers  sympathetic  reception  of  their  recommendations  and 
attention  to  their  ad  vice  on  momentous  questions  respecting  the  life 
and  health  of  the  troops.  The  medical  officer  receives  a hearing,  not 
from  the  knowledge  he  may  have,  however  valuable  and  essential, 
but  in  the  Army  it  is  largely  and  automatically  in  accordance  with 
his  rank.  Ultimately  the  soldier  is  the  real  beneficiary  of  the  con- 
ferring of  authority  upon  his  medical  officer. 

A general  officer  in  the  Medical  Corps  should  hav^e  full  control  of 
medical  affairs. 

Secretary  of  War  Baker,  in  his  address  before  Congress,  January, 
1917.  advocating  equalization  of  rank  in  the  Army  and  Navy,  called 


42 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ABMY  MEDICAL  OFFICEBS. 


attention  to  the  embarrassment  arising  from  the  disparity  of  rank 
between  our  officers  and  those  of  our  allies.  It  is  peculiarly  applic- 
able to  American  medical  officers.  They  are  humiliated  and  ham- 
pered when  in  frequent  conferences  overseas  with  the  medical  officers 
of  our  allies,  and  while  they  are  equal,  and  in  some  circumstances 
may  be  superior  in  professional  attainments,  they  are  notoriously 
inferior  in  rank. 

The  British  Army  has  2 lieutenant  generals  and  four  times  as 
many  major  generals  as  proposed  by  the  Owen  bill.  It  is  true  they 
have  no  brigadier  generals,  and  it  would  reduce  the  proportion  of 
general  officers  into  twice  the  number  proposed  in  this  bill.  They 
have  a larger  percentage  of  colonels  and  lieutenant  colonels — 14.5  per 
cent  against  our  12  per  cent.  They  have  7 per  cent  more  majors — 
80.37  per  cent  against  our  23.5  per  cent.  They  have  2 per  cent  more 
captains;  whereas  in  the  lowest  grade,  that  of  lieutenant,  we  have 
32  per  cent,  as  proposed  by  the  Owen  bill,  as  against  11.74  per  cent 
in  the  English  Army. 

In  other  words,  the  British,  with  only  10.000  to  12,000  officers 
(June.  1917),  had  3 lieutenant  generals,  41  major  generals,  312 
colonels,  and  627  lieutenant  colonels. 

The  law  of  1916  porvides  7 medical  officers  to  1,000  men.  For  an 
army  of  2,000,000  men  it  would  therefore  be  14,000  officers.  Accord- 
ing to  the  ratio  of  the  Owen  bill,  these  14,000  officers  would  be  dis- 
tributed as  follows: 


RATIOS  OF  COMMISSIONED  OFFICERS  IN  MEDICAL  DEPARTMENT  OF  ARMY  AS  PROPOSED 

IN  OWEN  BILL. 


Major  generals 
Brigadier  generals  _ 

. *J5  per  < 
. 25  “ 

•ent  35 

“ _ 35 

Colonels 

4 

“ ..  5(10 

Lieutenant  colonels 

8 

“ 1,  120 

Majors 

“ 3,  200 

< laptains 

32 

“ 4,  4, SO 

First  lieutenants 

32 

• _ 4,480 

100  per  cent 14,  000 

The  apparent  discrepancy  between  the  14,000  officers  which  are 
required  by  law  for  an  army  of  2,000,000  men,  which  we  are  sup- 
posed not  really  to  have  at  this  time,  and  the  16,359  medical  officers  I 
now  on  duty  is  accounted  for  by  a large  number  of  medical  military  |j 
training  camps  and  those  who  are  doing  special  detail  and  prelimi-  ] 
nary  work  in  the  organization  of  our  Army.  Moreover,  the  Surgeon  r 
General  has  loaned  to  our  allies  overseas,  in  round  numbers,  2,000 
medical  officers  out  of  our  total  number  on  active  duty,  and  200  more  j 
are  being  called  for. 

The  French  medical  corps  in  the  higher  grades,  lieutenant  generals 
and  major  generals,  has  1.47  per  cent  as  against  one-fourth  of  1 per 
cent  distributed  between  the  major  and  brigadier  generals,  as  pro- 
posed by  the  Owen  bill. 

If  we  are  to  get  the  benefit  of  the  superior  talents  and  highly 
technical  skill  of  the  civilian  physicians  and  surgeons,  they  must  be 
given  every  recognition,  proper  rank,  necessary  scope  of  control,  and 
latitude  of  action.  The  purely  military  group  need  only  to  tell 
them  what  is  wanted  and  when.  Medical  men  who  have  been, 
in  many  instances,  great  teachers  of  the  medical  sciences,  men  who 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


43 


are  world-wide  authorities,  men  who  have  been  in  charge  of  large 
civilian  hospitals  and  who  by  their  skill  have  become  preeminent 
in  professional  work  need  not  be  told  how  to  do  it.  High  rank  to 
those  whose  superior  experience  and  service  warrant  it,  au  adequate 
rank  to  all  to  insure  respect  and  give  control  where  needed,  will 
afford  our  country  the  maximum  effectiveness  instead  of  curtailed 
and  unfulfilled  usefulness. 

While  major  and  brigadier  general  are  restricted  to  one-fourth  of 
1 per  cent,  that  is  the  maximum.  It  is  not  presumed  that  the  quota 
will  at  all  times  be  full,  just  as  the  highest  rank,  now  that  of  major, 
is  not  full.  The  recommendation  and  confirmation  of  general  offi- 
cers, after  all,  must  rest  with  the  President  and  the  Senate.  It 
must  be  remembered  that  Medical  Reserve  officers  are  only  in  the 
service  for  the  duration  of  the  war,  after  which  they  will  return  to 
their  civil  duties  and  never  be  retired  on  whole,  half,  or  part  pay. 

In  a computation  of  the  cost  of  the  Owen  bill  for  18,315  medical 
officers  as  of  February  5th  it  was  found  that  the  aggregate  was 
$47,374,200,  whereas  the  Shields’s  bill  was  only  a trifle  more  than 
$1,000,000  less. 

Senator  New.  That  is  the  total  cost  of  the  Medical  Corps  under 
the  Owen  bill? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes,  sir. 

Senator  New.  Against  it,  of  course,  there  is  to  be  offset  the  cost 
of  the  present  medical  establishment. 

The  Chairman.  There  is  a difference  of  about  $5,000.000 — not 
quite  $5,000,000;  between  $4,000,000  and  $5,000,000. 

Senator  New.  And  the  Owen  bill  would  increase  it  about 
$5,000,000? 

Maj.  Haggard.  I think  it  is  just  about  a million  dollars  difference. 

The  Chairman.  It  is  the  difference  between  that  and  the  com- 
promise measure,  if  I recall  the  figures.  My  recollection  is  that  the 
present  establishment  calls  for  $42,000,000  and  some  odd  thousands 
of  dollars.  The  Shields  amendment  would  cost  $46,000,000  and  some- 
thing, and  the  Owen  bill  about  $48,000,000.  There  is  about  four 
millions  difference. 

Senator  New.  That  is  what  I wanted  to  have  made  clear — about 
the  cost. 

Maj.  Haggard.  May  I say  a word  here.  The  Owen  bill,  as  I have 
j said,  aggregates  $47,374,200.  The  McKellar  bill,  as  it  is  called,  is 
: $46,191,100.  a difference  of  a little  less  than  a million  dollars.  What 
we  are  now  paying  is  $42,000,000. 

Senator  New.  What  I am  trying  to  arrive  at  is  the  difference  in 
cost  over  the  present  system  and  that  of  the  establishment  proposed 
under  the  Owen  bill.  I see  that  it  is  approximatelv  $5,000,000 — 
$5,272,700. 

Maj.  Haggard.  That  is  what  you  wanted,  is  it  not.  Senator? 

The  Chairman.  Yes;  I wanted  to  get  that  very  thing.  I will  say 
to  you.  Senator  Warren,  that  before  you  came  to  the  committee  we 
had  just  gotten  to  the  point  of  the  relative  cost  of  the  Owen  bill 
and  the  substitute  bill  and  our  present  establishment. 

Senator  Warren.  And  the  substitute  bill  is  the  one  you  are  pro- 
posing ? 

Maj.  Haggard.  We  are  advocating  the  Owen  bill.  Senator.  The 
total  cost  of  that  would  be  $47,374,200;  the  McKellar  bill  would  be 


44 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  .ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


$46,190,100,  and  the  expenditure  of  The  Adujant  General  at  the 
present  time  in  the  Medical  Establishment  is  $42,102,000,  or  a 
difference,  as  has  been  said,  of  about  $5,000,000. 

Maj.  Vaughn.  All  of  these  provide  that  all  places  would  be  filled. 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes;  provided  that  all  places  were  filled.  They! 
would  not  conteinplete,  I imagine,  unless  it  were  very  urgent,  the 
filling  of  those  offices. 

Senator  Warren.  You  are  filling  on  the  percentage  basis,  as  I 
understand? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes,  sir. 

Senator  Warren.  Then,  of  course,  as  the  Army  grows  larger  your  j 
number  grows  greater? 

Maj.  Haggard.  On  the  basis  of  February  5,  there  were  18,315 
medical  officers  in  the  Reserve  Corps. 

Senator  Warren.  You  have  nearer  30.000  than  18,000  on  the  list,! 
reserves  and  all. 

Maj.  Haggard.  No,  sir;  these  are  the  figures  of  The  Adjutant  Gen-  j 
eral’s  office.  At  the  time  there  were  in  commission  18,350  officers. 

Senator  Warren.  I am  speaking  of  the  present  time. 

Maj.  Haggard.  There  are,  at  the  present  time  (last  report,  April 
26),  18.693  Medical  Reserve  Corps  officers. 

Senator  Warren.  I know  that  you  are  taking  them  on  by  the  ; 
hundreds  now,  but  that  is  all  right. 

The  Chairman.  That  is  not  the  basis  of  calculation.  If  the  Army 
is  increased  from  what  it  is  to-day  to  3,120,000,  the  number  of  general 
officers  would  be  doubled  in  the  Medical  Corps. 

Senator  Warren.  He  is  speaking  of  officers  all  along  the  line. 
They  are  by  percentages. 

The  Chairman.  They  are  by  percentages,  and  of  course  they 
would  be  doubled.  I will  say  to  Maj.  Haggard  frankly,  as  I told  ! 
him  the  other  day,  that  the  contention  is  made  that  with  the  present  J 
establishment  we  would  have  46  brigadier  generals  and  46  major  1 
generals,  and  with  an  increase  of  the  establishment  to  3,000.000  men 
we  would  have  in  round  numbers  about  100  major  generals  and  100 
brigadier  generals  in  the  Medical  Corps. 

Senator  Warren.  I think  you  would  he  entirely  too  top-heavy. 

The  Chairman.  I am  suggesting  that  so  that  you  may  address  I 
your  remarks  to  that.  That  is  the  stumbling  block  in  the  minds  of  i 
the  committee.  As  far  as  colonels  and  lieutenant  colonels  are  con-  j 
cerned,  1 do  not  think  there  is  so  much  contention  about  that. 

Senator  New.  Let  me  go  a step  farther  and  say  to  you  gentlemen 
who  are  here  representing  the  Medical  Corps  that  the  stumbling  block 
is  not  alone  in  the  minds  of  this  committee,  but  rather  is  in  the  minds 
of  Congress,  I think.  It  is  a very  serious  question  as  to  whether  a 
bill  contemplating  as  great  a number  of  general  officers  as  is  con- 
templated by  the  Owen  bill  could  be  passed  through  Congress,  no 
matter  how  meritorious  it  is.  The  sentiment  of  Congress  seems  to 
be  so  firmly  set  against  that  great  increase  in  officers  of  high  rank 
that  I doubt  very  much  if  the  objections  could  lie  overcome  at  all. 

The  Chairman,  So.  Major,  you  may  continue  your  remarks  still 
further  along  that  line.  I had  no  conference  with  Senator  New  about 
the  matter  at  all:  I did  not  know  what  his  views  were,  as  a matter 
of  fact.  However,  I understand  it  has  been  said  that  I was  virtually 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


45 


the  only  man  on  the  Military  Committee  who  was  opposed  to  the 
Owen  bill  in  substance.  As  a matter  of  fact,  I expect  I am  about  as 
strong  a friend  as  the  Owen  bill  has  on  the  committee.  I do  not 
know  of  any  one  who  is  as  liberal  toward  it  as  I am,  and  yet  it  has 
been  represented  in  Tennessee  that  I am  the  only  man  who  is  oppos- 
ing it.  It  is  my  belief  that  there  is  a propaganda  down  there 

Senator  Warren.  We  will  bail  you  out  because  we  know  differ- 
ently. 

The  Chairman.  Only  this  morning  I received.  I suppose,  20  tele- 
grams demanding  that  I vote  for  the  Owen  bill  just  as  it  is.  Now, 
I can  not  understand  that  situation,  and  I would  like  to  have  you 
help  me  out  somewhat.  How  is  it  that  my  friends  among  the 
physicians  down  there,  some  of  my  warmest  friends,  have  telegraphed 
me  in  this  way  with  respect  to  this  bill?  I do  not  understand  it 
except  upon  the  hypothesis  that  it  is  a propaganda  of  some  sort. 
If  it  is  a propaganda  I want  to  know  what  originated  it. 

Senator  New.  As  to  my  personal  position  upon  the  matter  I want 
to  say  that  sentimentally  I am  very  strongly  with  the  doctors.  For 
instance,  my  own  brother-in-law,  of  whom  I am  extremely  fond,  is 
an  officer  in  France  to-day.  I know  what  his  professional  standing 
is  in  his  home  city;  there  is  none  higher.  He  is  over  there  at  very 
great  financial  sacrifice  and  personal  loss  in  every  way.  having  gone 
into  the  Army  actuated  by  the  same  motives  that  actuated  you  gen- 
tlemen when  you  went  in — laid  down  your  callings  and  went  into 
the  service.  With  him  are  a number  of  others  just  as  the  major  has 
said,  the  flower  of  the  medical  profession  of  the  State,  and  my  sym- 
pathies and  my  sentiments  are  all  with  them. 

The  Chairman.  And  so,  also,  are  mine.  We  want  to  cooperate 
with  you.  and  we  want  to  arrive  at  some  fair  plan  of  action. 

Senator  New.  This  committee  is  not  an  unfriendly  committee  by 
any  means. 

The  Chairman.  Not  at  all. 

Senator  New.  I do  not  know  how  the  impression  got  out  with 
respect  to  the  attitude  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs.  I said 
something  to  Senator  Owen  about  this  subcommittee.  I said  to  him 
that  I doubted  very  much  if  the  Owen  bill  could  be  passed  as  it  is. 
He  seemed  to  be  very  greatly  surprised  and  expressed  the  belief  that 
the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  was  almost  unanimously  in  favor 
of  this  bill.  Now.  as  a matter  of  fact,  I think  that  the  contrary  is 
the  case.  I do  not  believe  that  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs  is 
at  present  disposed  to  accept  the  Owen  bill  as  it  is,  and  I am  very 
sure  that  there  is  so  much  adverse  sentiment  in  Congress  that  there 
is  very  grave  doubt  of  our  ability  to  pass  such  a bill,  whether  it  meets 
the  views  of  the  medical  profession  and  whether  it  is  the  only  bill 
that  will  meet  the  views  of  the  medical  profession  or  not.  Speaking 
for  myself,  I may  say  that  we  want  to  get  a bill  here  which  will  go 
just  as  far  as  it  is  possible  to  go  and  get  it  enacted  into  law.  It  is 
all  very  well  for  us  to  sit  around  and  discuss  this  matter  in  a senti- 
mental way,  but  the  proposition  is,  What  is  the  best  we  can  get  ? 

Senator  Warren.  Mr.  Chairman,  of  course  we  have  witnesses  here 
to-day,  and  we  want  to  hear  them  and  not  have  them  hear  us,  but  in 
view  of  what  has  been  said  I desire  to  say  just  a few  words. 


46 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


I am  absolutely  friendly  to  the  Medical  Department.  I appre- 
ciate the  fact  that  we  must  have  it.  I served  in  the  Civil  War.  when 
things  were  different;  when  we  would  set  up  a couple  of  flour  bar- 
rels and  put  planks  and  things  on  them  and  cut  off  men’s  arms  and 
legs  in  the  sun,  and  that  makes  me  fully  appreciate  the  necessities  in 
this  proposition.  But  the  cause  is  being  injured.  There  has  been  a 
propaganda  started  by  some  very  ardent  and,  I think,  rather  in- 
consistent men  who  do  not  measure  up  with  the  balance  of  the 
Army.  Now,  to  talk  about  the  number  of  brigadier  generals  and 
major  generals  is  simply  preposterous  when  you  measure  it  by  any 
other  department  of  the  Army,  and  that  is  the  main  trouble.  As  you 
have  said,  it  is  not  so  much  as  to  the  others,  although  they  might  want 
to  even  it  up  somewhat,  but  when  you  get  that  number  you  have  got 
them  to  take  care  of  and  have  them  disposed  of  later,  and  in  the 
way  the  Army  is  situated  I can  not  conceive  of  any  possible  reason 
for  haying  that  number  of  general  officers.  You  might  as  well  say 
that  with  respect  to  all  other  lines.  You  might  as  well  say  that  the 
Adjutant  Generals  should  number  10.000  and  the  same  with  respect 
to  others. 

The  Chairman.  In  the  Ordnance  Department  what  is  the  number 
of  brigadiers  and  generals? 

Senator  Warren.  As  far  as  the  Army  is  concerned,  the  President 
appoints  whom  he  chooses  in  this  Army.  I think  there  are  only  two 
brigadier  generals  and  one  major  general.  I may  be  mistaken  about 
that,  because  he  may  have  appointed  some  more. 

The  Chairman.  Of  course  that  is  not  a parallel.  I realize  fully 
what  Maj.  Haggard  has  so  well  said  here,  that  these  gentlemen  who 
come  into  the  Army,  many  of  them,  have  left  the  most  lucrative  prac- 
tices. I know  several  of  them  from  Tennessee,  and  he  is  one  of  them, 
who  have  left  to  come  here  and  take  a place  that  pays  practically 
nothing  in  comparison  to  what  the  man  has  been  making. 

Senator  Warren.  Of  course  we  can  not  base  our  action  upon  that 
suggestion.  For  instance,  suppose  we  take  the  case  of  Schwab,  who 
makes  $2,000,000  a year.  We  can  not  pay  $2,000,000  a year  for 
brigadier  generals. 

The  Chairman.  No;  of  course  not:  but  I believe  we  ought  to  give 
them  substantial  recognition. 

Senator  Warren.  For  instance,  take  the  case  of  Mr.  Stettinus,  who 
has  taken  a $4,500  place.  That  is  nothing  for  him.  Of  course,  it 
may  be  unfortunate  that  we  are  not  rich  enough  to  pay  what  those 
men  should  receive.  They  all  appreciate  that  fact. 

Maj.  Haggard.  We  do  not.  expect  it. 

Senator  Warren.  It  can  not  be  measured  by  money — the  matter  of 
sacrifices  that  they  make  in  that  way  without  making  it  top-heavy. 
There  is  no  more  chance  of  carrying  a bill  of  that  kind  through  this 
committee,  or  Congress,  than  there  would  be  of  flying  without  an 
aeroplane. 

Senator  New.  I do  not  think  the  doctors  have  in  mind  at  all  the 
financial  recompense  that  is  to  come  to  them  from  increase  of  rank. 
If  they  did  they  would  stay  at  home. 

Senator  Warren.  The  trouble  with  the  Army  is  that  it  throws  all 
of  the  other  departments  out  into  the  cold  world,  comparatively 
speaking. 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICEBS. 


47 


Senator  Xeav.  There  is  not  a man  in  the  Army  who  coulcl  attain  the 
rank  of  major  general  who  does  not  make  a great  deal  more  money  at 
home  practicing  his  profession  than  would  be  the  salary  of  a major 
general.  That,  I understand,  is  a question 

Maj.  Haggard.  Of  efficiency. 

Senator  New.  And  dignity,  if  you  please,  and  with  all  that  I aim 
entirely  sympathetic. 

Senator  Warren.  I want  to  say  to  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  there  is 
no  reason  for  your  being  accused  of  any  hostility,  because  to  my  cer- 
tain knowledge,  from  conversations  had  in  the  committee,  you  had 
been  more  liberal  than  a number  of  the  members  of  the  committee. 

The  Chairman.  I have  felt  in  that  way,  and  it  seemed  to  me  to  be 
the  irony  of  fate  that  1 should  have  been  singled  out  to  be  the  one 
to  be  criticized. 

Senator  Warren.  I know  that  we  have  got  to  have  more  officers, 
and  more  officers  of  high  rank.  I want  that  understood.  It  is  sim- 
ply a matter  of  proportion,  and  you  gentlemen  must  do  the  best  you 
can,  but  my  advice  in  a friendly  way  is  not  to  allow  some  exceed- 
ingly enthusiastic  advocates  to  forget  that  we  have  to  appropriate 
for  all  branches  of  the  Army,  and  we  have  to  preserve  our  balance, 
not  only  so  much  in  the  matter  of  appropriations  as  in  the  matter  of 
rank,  etc.,  and  not  let  it  entirely  run  away  in  comparison  with  other 
departments.  You  do  not  want  to  create  hostility  between  the  War 
Department  and  the  Medical  Department. 

Maj.  Haggard.  Oh,  no;  we  want  to  work  in  the  utmost  harmony, 
because  I think  that  all  of  us  have  only  one  thing  in  the  world  in 
view,  and  that  is  to  win  this  war.  I beg  of  you  gentlemen  to  under- 
stand that  we  are  simply  laying  these  facts  before  you  as  we  have 
felt  them  very  keenly. 

The  Chairman.  That  is  what  we  want  you  to  do ; we  want  you  to 
express  your  minds  freely. 

Maj.  Haggard.  So  far  as  you,  Senator  McKellar,  are  concerned, 
we  have  a very  deep  appreciation  of  your  services  to  your  country 
and  to  cur  State,  and  to  this  cause.  There  is  ample  evidence  of  the 
fact  that  you  have  energetically  undertaken  to  help  out  in  this  mat- 
ter. and  have  introduced  a bill  that  is  extremely  generous  in  the 
sense  that  there  is  only  $1,000,000  difference  between  the  appropria- 
tion that  the  Owen  bill  calls  for  and  the  bill  that  you  were  kind 
i enough  to  propose. 

The  feeling,  however,  in  the  medical  profession  is  briefly  this: 
This  bill  has  been  in  preparation,  practically  on  the  same  plan,  since 
Avar  was  declared.  It  has  been  given  Avide  publicity  in  every  medical 
journal  in  the  country,  and  particularly  in  each  State,  including  our 
own  State,  and  as  a consequence  the  medical  profession  are  all  fa- 
miliar with  it;  they  are  all  interested  in  it;  they  all  want  to  see  it 
passed;  they  do  not  want  anything  that  they  ought  not  to  have. 
They  do  not  Avant  in  any  Avay  to  infringe  upon  any  other  department 
of  the  Army  but  simply  Avant  to  be  given  a distribution  of  rank 
really  more  than  an  elevation  in  rank,  because,  as  I Avas  saying  be- 
fore Senator  Warren  came,  after  all  is  said  and  done,  the  proportion 
or  percentage  between  the  Owen  bill  is  not  nearly  as  high  as  in  the 
English  Army  and  French  Army — the  percentage  is  not 


48 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Senator  Warren.  But  a major  general  of  that  army  gets  about 
what  a lieutenant  does,  as  far  as  money  is  concerned.  For  instance, 
the  field  marshal  in  Germany  gets  less  than  a brigadier  does. 

Maj.  Haggard.  I had  reference  to  the  English  and  French  Armies. 

Senator  Warren.  There  is  no  comparison  whatever. 

Maj.  Haggard.  As  Senator  New  has  very  kindly  expressed  it.  cer- 
tainly the  pay  is  no  incentive  to  the  medical  profession. 

Senator  Warren.  That  is  true,  and  speaking  for  myself,  I frankly 
say  that  it  is  not  so  much  the  matter  of  two  or  three  or  four  million 
dollars  as  it  is  to  know  just  the  feeling  there  is  about  getting  a too 
great  proportion  in  one  part  of  the  Army  when  there  is  no  more, 
necessity  for  it  than  there  is  in  another.  I have  always  been  in 
favor  of  high  pay  for  everybody  in  the  Army  with  one  exception, 
and  that  is,  I did  not  want  to  see  the  pay  of  the  privates  raised  as 
high  as  it  was,  as  I feared  it  would  be  a detriment  to  the  men  over 
there,  though  happily  they  are  buying  liberty  bonds  and  providing 
for  their  families.  So  in  that  way  we  have  a compensation.  But 
when  they  went  over  on  $30  a month,  where  the  French  people  get 
Jess  than  $5  a month,  you  can  see  the  disorganization  that  it  might 
help  to  make.  I do  not  know  exactly  what  they  all  get,  I could  not 
give  you  the  list,  but  it  is  very  much  lower  than  our  own.  I do  not 
know  that  a brigadier  general  gets  more,  as  I have  said,  than  a gen- 
eral does  in  the  German  Army.  I do  not  know  about  the  others. 
I saw  the  figures  on  that  not  very  long  ago. 

Maj.  Haggard.  The  other  point  that  I have  spoken  briefly  about 
was  the  fact  that  calculated  on  the  basis  of  2,000,000  men  there  would 
be  14,000  medical  officers,  and  of  that  number  35  would  be  major 
generals,  according  to  the  provisions  of  the  Owen  bill,  and  35  would 
be  brigadier  generals. 

Senator  Warren.  That  does  not  agree  with  the  figures  of  the  other 
gentlemen  who  have  appeared  here,  Gen.  Gorgas,  Dr.  Mayo,  and  the 
others. 

Maj.  Haggard.  I think  it  does,  and  for  this  reason  that  as  pro- 
vided by  law  we  are  only  entitled  to  seven  medical  officers  to  a 
thousand  men,  so  that  2.000,000  men  would  of  necessity  restrict  us 
to  14,000  officers. 

Senator  Warren.  But  wdiat  you  are  asking  for  is  more  than  that. 

Maj.  Haggard.  We  are  asking  for  provision  for  more,  and  are 
trying  to  explain  the  cause.  The  percentage  would  be  just  the  same, 
it  would  be  one-fourth  of  1 per  cent  of  those  higher  ranks  and  only 
that  much. 

There  is  another  point  that  I spoke  of  that  perhaps  is  worthy  of 
consideration,  and  that  is  the  further  fact  that  at  no  time  would  it 
be  probable  that  all  of  these  higher  ranks  would  be  filled.  For  in- 
stance. the  highest  rank  recorded  in  the  Medical  Corps  now  is  that 
of  major.  As  a matter  of  fact  they  only  have  about  a thousand 
majors  now.  So  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  higher  ranks. 

Senator  Warren.  With  all  due  respect  to  what  you  say,  and  I have 
been  here  a good  while,  I never  saw  any  position  of  brigadier  empty 
very  long,  and  I do  not  blame  them.  Of  course,  if  there  is  an  open- 
ing and  they  are  competent  to  fill  it,  why  should  they  not  have  it  ? 

Maj.  Haggard.  But  after  all  said  and  done,  we  know,  of  course, 
that  all  the  general  officers  are  recommended  first  by  the  President 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


49 


and  confirmed  by  Congress,  so  it  is  in  your  hands  after  all.  and  the 
only  two  points  that  we  are  at  all  insistent  upon  is,  first,  to  give  us 
the  opportunity  to  do  our  maximum  amount  of  good  and  not  our 
minimum ; and  secondly,  to  put  this  ratio  in  distribution  in  rank 
on  a percentage  basis. 

That,  Senators,  is  the  story  in  a nutshell.  There  are  just  two  facts 
that  we  want  to  impress  strongly  upon  you,  and  they  are  to  be  given- 
the  opportunity  to  do  our  best,  and  not  our  average  best,  and  then 
to  put  the  officers  on  a percentage  basis,  a ratio  or  percentage  basis 
which  would  work  equitably  and  continuously  and  without  any  fric- 
tion at  all. 

In  a Government  that  is  so  broad  gauged  in  its  expenditures  for 
promptitude  and  effectiveness,  this  really  meager  sum  pales  into  in- 
significance compared  to  the  magnitude  of  what  will  be  saved  in 
human  life.  A life  insurance  actuary  would  promptly  tell  us  that 
that  sum  would  be  saved  in  disability  insurance  many  times  over  by 
superlative  surgical  supervision. 

The  Owen  bill  has  had  the  unanimous  indorsement  of  the  follow- 
ing State  associations  which  have  met  since  it  was  introduced,  Febru- 
ary 5 : Alabama,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  North  Carolina,  South  Caro- 
lina, Tennessee. 

There  are  many  uncertain  things  about  this  great  war,  but  one 
thing  is  certain,  and  that  is,  that  the  war  could  not  be  continued  three 
months  by  the  United  States  without  the  aid  of  the  16,000  volunteers 
now  on  active  duty  in  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps.  Pestilence  ivould 
stalk  through  our  trenches  and  camps  with  more  havoc  than  any 
fury  of  the  Hun  could  wreck. 

Whether  the  Senate  accords  medical  officers  this  eminently  greatly 
needed  legislation  or  not,  they  may  be  assured  that  their  medical 
officers  will  give  the  best  medical  and  surgical  attention  to  the  Ameri- 
can soldier  that  has  ever  been  given  the  fighting  men  of  any  country 
in  the  world. 

Senator  New.  Let  me  ask  again,  in  order  to  get  it  clear  in  my 
mind,  this  question : Of  the  present  18,000  and  something  under  this 
bill  there  are  46  major  and  46  brigadier  generals;  is  that  right? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Well,  it  must  be,  after  all.  computed  upon  the  basis 
' of  the  number  of  men  in  the  Army.  We  can  not  have  over  seven  per 
thousand. 

Senator  New.  But  you  now  have  about  18,000  medical  officers  in 
the  Army. 

Maj.  Haggard.  But  they  must  be  kept  down  to  the  lower  grade, 
my  conception  is,  until  such  time  as  the  Army  rises  sufficiently  to 
have  that  proportion.  As  I have  said,  they  have  2,000  in  the  British 
Army;  they  have  8,000  at  Fort  Oglethorpe  undergoing  training; 
only  a small  proportion  will  go  into  the  higher  ranks.  This  is  the 
maximum,  this  one-fourth  of  1 per  cent,  which  perhaps  will  never 
be  filled. 

Senator  Warren.  As  between  the  Regular  Army  and  the  National 
Army,  just  define  what  your  intention  is  about  that. 

Maj.  Haggard.  Well,  the  National  Army,  as  I understand  it,  has  a 
separate  organization — I mean  a separate  or  double  organization. 

Senator  Warren.  What,  in  this  bill — the  Owen  bill — do  you  un- 
derstand that  covers? 

61461—18 4 


50 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Maj.  Haggard.  It  only  covers  the  Medical  Corps  and  the  Medical 
Reserve  Corps.  It  lias  nothing  to  do  with  the  National  Army,  as  1 
understand  it. 

Senator  Warren.  Then  those  officers  who  are  appointed  are  ap- 
pointed in  the  Regular  Army? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes,  sir;  and  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps. 

Senator  Warren.  When  this  Regular  Army  closes,  what  are  you 
going  to  do  with  your  regular  officers?  They  are  in  there  for  life. 

Maj.  Haggard.  No,  sir;  they  only  enlist  for  the  duration  of  the 
war.  The  moment  the  war  is  over  they  go  back  to  civilian  duties. 

Senator  Warren.  Is  it  you  proposition  that  you  would  not  have 
any  of  these  higher  officers  in  the  Regular  Army? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Of  course,  there  are  already  those  in  the  Regular 
Army,  but  the  proportion,  if  you  are  insistent  upon  that  point,  is  in 
favor  of  the  Government,  for  the  reason  that  there  is  only  about  5 
per  cent  of  the  regular  corps  and  the  other  95  per  cent  will  automati- 
cally drop  out  the  minute  the  war  is  won. 

Senator  Warren.  When  you  speak  of  the  Medical  Corps,  you  in- 
clude, of  course,  the  dentists  and  'all  the  others? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes,  sir;  they  have  a separate  corps,  hut  under  the 
direction  of  the  Surgeon  General. 

The  Chairman.  As  the  law  is  now.  it  provides  that  the  Surgeon 
General  shall  be  appointed  out  of  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  Army. 
Do  you  understand  this  bill  to  change  that  law  ? 

Maj.  Haggard.  No,  sir;  I do  not.  I think  this  bill  has  no  reference 
to  that,  as  far  as  my  knowledge  goes.  There  is  certainly  no  inten- 
tion on  anybody’s  part,  as  far  as  I know,  to  change  or  interfere  with 
the  appointment  of  the  Surgeon  General. 

The  Chairman.  It  has  been  claimed  by  some  that  it  does. 

Maj.  Haggard.  I do  not  think  it  could  possibly  be  read  into  this  bill. 

Senator  Warren.  By  repeal  of  the  other  statute? 

Maj.  Haggard.  No,  sir;  as  to  that,  the  Surgeon  General  himself 
would  be  able  to  advise  you  definitely  and  legally. 

Senator  Warren.  As  to  these  officers  that  we  are  taking  in  every 
day — there  comes  up  a lot  nearly  every  day  passing  through  by  fifties 
and  hundreds — do  you  know,  as  of  to-day,  the  1st  day  of  May,  what 
the  number  is?  Of  course  you  have  not,  I suppose,  called  all  those 
into  active  service? 

Maj.  Haggard.  No,  sir;  there  are. 16.000  in  the  active  service  now — 
16.359. 

Senator  Warren.  Those  who  are  sworn  in  and  ready  for  duty  t 
but  not  in  the  active  service  in  the  reserve? 


Maj  Haggard.  Or  who  have  accepted  their  commissions,  namely, 
18,368.  I had  the  figures  a moment  ago.  They  are  all  ready  to  be 
called,  but  there  are  16,000  actually  called.  Of  that  number,  as  I 
have  said,  2,000  have  been  loaned  to  the  English. 

Senator  Warren.  You  are  adding  to  this  list  of  reserves,  calling 
them  in  as  you  want  them? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes,  sir.  Of  course  we  are  taking  a larger  num- 
ber of  officers  in  in  order  to  have  them  ready  for  any  call  that  the 
Secretary  of  War  may  wish  to  place  upon  us. 

Senator  Warren.  Well,  you  are  doing  something  like  they  did  in 
the  old  way,  taking  the  men  wherever  they  may  be,  and  they  may  be 


ADVANCED  RANK  EOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS.  51 

examined  and  appointed  and  be  ready  for  call  as  you  went  them, 
without  their  leaving  their  practice  or  their  homes. 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes,  sir:  until  called  into  the  active  service  by  The 
Adjutant  General. 

The  Chairman.  Senator  Owen,  would  you  like  to  ask  the  major 
any  question? 

Senator  Owen.  Mr.  Chairman.  I should  like  to  ask  whether  or  not 
there  has  been  placed  in  the  record  the  number  of  nurses  that  would 
be  under  the  Medical  Department  ? 

The  Chairman.  No;  it  has  not  been. 

Senator  Owen.  1 understand  that  50,000  is  the  number. 

Maj.  Haggard.  I have  heard  that  roughly  estimated,  but  I do  not 
know  of  my  own  knowledge. 

Senator  Warren.  You  mean  estimated  by  what  you  may  reach, 
not  what  you  have  now? 

Maj.  Haggard.  No,  sir;  I do  not  think  this  has  reference  to  the 
Nursing  Corps. 

Senator  Owen.  No;  but  the  Nursing  Corps,  the  Hospital  Corps 
men,  are  all  a part  of  the  personnel  who  will  have  to  be  looked  after 
by  Gen.  Gorgas’s  department.  There  will  be  50,000  nurses,  I under- 
stand, one  for  each  10  beds ; that  we  will  require  500,000  beds  for  an 
army  of  2,000,000,  and  therefore  50,000  nurses;  that  there  will  be 
required  by  the  Hospital  Corps  men  something  over  200,000. 

The  Chairman.  Enlisted  men? 

Senator  Owen.  Yes;  enlisted  men  used  in  the  Hospital  Corps  to 
carry  stretchers.  Then,  I understand  that  what  they  call  the  peak 
load — and.  of  course,  that  is  the  maximum  at  any  one  time — will  go  up 
as  high  as  25  per  cent  of  the  men  employed  who  will  be  sick,  disabled, 
wounded,  etc.  That,  of  course,  would  not  be  all  the  time,  but  in 
preparing  for  a great  battle,  and  to  be  prepared  to  meet  contingen- 
cies, the  peak  load  will  go  up  to  as  many  as  500,000. 

The  Chairman.  How  do  those  figures  compare  with  the  Ordnance 
Department  of  the  Army? 

Senator  Owen.  T do  not  know  anything  about  the  Ordnance  De- 
i partment. 

The  Chairman.  You  understand  that  we  will  have  to  legislate  for 
all  the  departments? 

Senator  Owen.  But  you  do  not  have  to  legislate  on  this  bill  for  all 
of  the  departments. 

The  Chairman.  Yes;  we  do. 

Senator  Owen.  Why? 

The  Chairman.  For  instance,  if  we  furnish  50  times  the  general 
! officers  for  the  Medical  Department  that  we  do  for  the  Ordnance  De- 
partment when  they  are  about  an  equal  size,  we  would  have  the 
greatest  complaint  raised  by  the  Ordnance  Department  that  was  ever 
heard. 

Senator  Owen.  Has  the  Ordnance  Department  20,000  officers? 

The  Chairman.  I do  not  know  of  but  three — two  being  brigadier 
generals  and  one  a major  general. 

Senator  Owen.  I was  speaking  of  officers  who  have  to  be  super- 
vised. 

The  Chairman.  I am  talking  about  men. 


52 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ABMY  MEDICAL  OFFICEBS. 


Senator  Owen.  Mr.  Chairman,  I took  some  pains  to  get  these  ratios 
because  I thought  the  committee  would  like  to  have  them,  and  I have 
it  prepared  here  and  desire  to  call  attention  to  it  because  it  is  a 
matter  that  ought  to  be  in  the  record. 

(The  table  referred  to  is  here  printed  in  full  as  follows:) 

Medical  officers  allowed  under  following  bills. 


[Regular  Army  strength,  286,000,  Medical  Corps  at  0.7  per  cent=2,002.  Medical  Reserve  Corps  strength, 

16,000  on  active  duty.] 


Owen  bill. 

Shields  bill. 

Chamberlain 

memorandum. 

Medical 

Corps. 

Medical 

Reserve 

Corps. 

Medical 

Corps. 

Medical 

Reserve 

Corps. 

Medical 

Corps. 

Medical 

Reserve 

Corps.1 

40 

4 

10 

2 

5 

40 

3 

10 

2 

80 

640 

63 

506 

63 

160 

1,280 

108 

867 

108 

470 

3,760 

474 

3,792 

474 

641 

5'  120 

677 

5, 417 

677 

641 

5,'  120 

679 

5, 418 

679 

1 In  such  numbers  as  the  President  may  deem  necessary. 


Rate  of  various  grades  per  thousand  medical  officers. 


Owen  bill. 

Shields  hill. 

Medical 

Corps. 

Medical 

Reserve 

Corps. 

Medical 

Corps. 

Medical 

Reserve 

Corps. 

2§ 

2£ 

40 

2?,- 

2£ 

40' 

32 

32 

80 

80 

54 

54 

235 

235 

237 

237 

320 

320 

338 

338 

320 

320 

339 

339 

Chamberlain 

memorandum. 


Medical 

Corps. 


32 

54 

237 

338 

339 


Medical 

Reserve 

CorpsA 


1 In  such  numbers  as  the  President  may  de,em  necessary. 


Senator  Owen.  Now,  in  this  so-called  Owen  bill,  which  really 
represents  the  views  of  the  Medical  Department  of  the  Army — it  is 
not  my  bill  at  all,  I simply  sponsored  it  because  I thought  it  was 
right,  and  because  I have  been  standing  for  the  principle  for  some 
years — it  would  provide  5 major  generals  for  the  Regular  Corps, 
as  extended  to  40  for  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps,  and  a like  num- 
ber for  the  two  corps,  of  brigadier  generals,  making  approximately 
90  general  officers  to  take  of  this. 

The  Chairman.  We  have  the  adjutant  generals  figured  out,  and 
they  figure  46. 

Senator  Owen.  46  of  each  one  of  the  two  ranks. 

The  Chairman.  46  in  addition  to  what  we  have  now. 

Senator  Owen.  46  in  addition  to  what  we  have  now  ? 

The  Chairman.  Yes;  which  would  be  not  quite  50  major  generals. 

Senator  Owen.  That  would  be  45  of  each,  making  90  altogether. 

Senator  New.  And  that,  Senator  Owen,  is  on  the  basis  of  the  pres- 
ent officer  personnel  of  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


53 


Senator  Owen.  It  is  on  the  basis  of  20,000. 

Senator  New.  Now,  it  is  proposed  to  expand  it  to  30,000  or  so. 

Maj.  Haggard.  20,000  will  take  care  of  an  army  of  2,500,000  men. 

Senator  Warren.  Of  course,  they  are  not  in  working  shape  in 
any  way  now,  because  they  have  only  200,000  men  in  the  war,  while 
we  have  more  than  1,200,000  enlisted  and  in  the  camps. 

Maj.  Haggard.  But  they  must  be  looked  after. 

Senator  Warren.  Yes:  they  must  be  looked  after,  but  the  extreme 
care  that  he  speaks  of.  of  nurses,  etc.,  are  not  present  in  the  camps 
and  on  the  battle  field  itself. 

Senator  Owen.  No;  I was  looking  to  the  extreme  organization — 
when  we  got  2,000,000  men.  The  Regular  Army  strength  is  200,000, 
and  the  men  in  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps  on  the  the  present  strength 
are  14,000. 

Senator  Warren.  That  changes  all  the  time. 

Senator  Owen.  It  will  be  increased,  I suppose,  as  the  Army  ad- 
vances. But  there  is  a limit  to  what  the  reserves  do  in  the  way  of 
executive  effort.  Now,  the  Shields  bill  allows  14  of  each,  and  the 
Chamberlain  memorandum  allowed  2 of  each.  I do  not  know  what 
became  of  that  memorandum — I do  not  think  it  appeared  in  the  bill. 

The  Chairman.  I was  just  explaining  to  Maj.  Haggard — who  is 
one  of  my  most  distinguished  citizens  in  Tennessee — that  it  was  said 
that  I was  the  only  opponent  of  your  bill  on  the  committee.  I do 
not  know  anyone  who  is  out  and  out  in  favor  of  the  bill  just  as  it  is. 

Maj.  Haggard.  Mr.  Chairman,  you  heard  what  I said  just  now 
when  I addressed  my  remarks  to  you  personally.  I think  the  only 
idea  obtaining  in  Tennessee  was  that  your  bill  was  not  in  exact 
conformity  with  what  the  profession  had  been  given  to  understand 
down  there  was  a bill  prepared  by  the  Surgeon  General  himself  and 
had  met  the  sanction  of  the  President  and  had  been  discussed  here 
for  a long  time.  It  was  in  the  committee  at  the  last  Congress,  and 
it  had  been  given  very  wide  publicity,  and  there  thought  to  be  the 
ideal  bill,  and  that  is  the  reason  that  your  friends  and  constituents 
have  appealed  to  you. 

The  Chairman.  They  misunderstood  the  position.  It  struck  me  if 
we  could  not  get  exactly  what  you  want,  which  would  seem  to  me  to  be 
impossible,  at  the  hands  of  this  committee  that  the  best  thing  we 
could  do  would  be  to  get  something  that  would  be  reasonable  along 
the  line  suggested. 

Senator  Owen.  I think  the  responsibility  is  really  on  the  committee 
to  determine  what  is  best  for  our  boys  in  the  field.  I do  not  under- 
stand that  the  committee  has  finally  passed  upon  anything. 

The  Chairman.  No:  it  has  not. 

Senator  Warren.  The  general  expression  has  all  been  favorable 
to  doing  something  for  the  Medical  Corps  and  to  do  much  for  it, 
but  the  expression  has  not,  as  far  as  I know,  from  any  quarter  been 
to  make  as  many  general  officers  as  this  proposes. 

Senator  Owen.  That  is  for  the  committee  to  determine.  I do  not 
want  to  be  put  in  the  attitude  of  criticizing  any  Member  for  any 
supposed  views  that  he  holds. 

The  Chairman.  I will  say  that  I have  a perfectly  open  mind  on 
the  subject. 

Senator  Owen.  Here  is  a thing  that  I see  ahead  of  us.  Here  are 
our  troops  over  there,  and  Pershing  must  look  after  them,  and  if 


54 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


they  are  not  physically  well,  if  they  are  sick  or  wounded  or  not 
properly  taken  care  of,  it  is  important  for  us  to  do  things  that  will 
help  them  at  the  front,  which  we  desire  to  do,  and  if  we  can  by 
better  organization  accomplish  more,  I think  it  ought  to  be  done. 

Now,  it  is  up  to  the  committee  to  determine  what  is  the  right 
thing  to  do.  I think  it  would  be  a most  serious  mistake  to  look 
at  this  proposition  as  being  in  the  attitude  of  favoring  somebody 
having  shoulder  straps.  I entertain  no  such  idea  as  that,  and  I most 
emphatically  disclaim  it.  What  1 want  is  to  see  such  an  organization 
as  will  make  more  efficient  our  troops  in  the  field.  They  have  a 
gigantic  task  before  them,  and  we  ought  to  furnish  them  with  every 
possible  facility. 

Senator  New.  Senator,  nobody  on  this  committee  or,  as  a matter 
of  fact,  off  of  it  disagrees  with  you  as  to  that.  No  one  recognizes 
the  necessity  for  a proper  and  adequate  organization  of  the  medical 
staff  of  the  Army  any  more  keenly  than  I do.  I happened  to  be  a 
soldier  myself  during  the  Spanish-American  War 

Senator  Owen.  I hope  you  were  not  at  Chickamauga. 

Senator  New.  I was  not  at  Chickamauga;  no,  sir;  but  I was 
for  a large  part  of  the  time  in  Florida.  But  T know  something 
of  the  inadequacy  of  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  Army  at  that 
time.  There  is  no  reflection  to  be  cast  upon  those  medical  officers 
who  were  in  the  service.  They  did  the  best  that  men  could  do  con- 
sidering the  number  of  them  and  the  preparation  that  had  been 
made,  or  lack  of  it,  rather.  Now,  of  course,  we  are  going  into  a 
very  much  greater  emergency  than  the  Spanish-American  War. 

Senator  Owen.  The  Spanish-American  War  was  a picnic  beside 
this. 

Senator  New.  There  is  no  question  about  that,  and  the  time  to 
prepare  is  in  advance. 

Senator  Owen.  We  lost  more  men  at  Chickamauga  from  neglect  of 
Gen.  Brooks’s  command  down  there  than  we  did  in  the  Spanish- 
American  War  by  bullets. 

Senator  New.  And  we  lost  more  men  in  Florida  than  were  killed 
and  wounded  in  Cuba. 

Senator  Owen.  Gen.  Pershing’s  reports  show  that  that  is  where 
our  losses  are  occurring,  not  on  the  battle  line.  I hope  the  committee 
will  not  think  that  I am  supposing  that  they  are  opposed  to  the  prin- 
ciple I am  announcing.  Of  course,  I suppose  you  have  the  same  view 
that  I have. 

Senator  Warren.  You  have  always  been  a friend  to  the  medical 
service,  because  you  have  been  interested  in  it. 

Senator  Owen.  And  because  I have  studied  the  question  of  con- 
serving human  life,  and  I know  how  grossly  it  has  been  neglected 
by  the  United  States.  T have  made  a study  of  the  Spanish  War  and 
its  cost  to  us.  The  commercial  cost  to  the  United  States  in  the  Civil 
War  from  neglect  of  health  of  the  men,  and  from  a failure  to 
properly  organize  the  medical  department,  was  billions  of  dollars. 

The  Chairman.  I think  we  have  been  very  generous  about  it. 

Senator  Owen.  But  there  were  an  enormous  number  of  them  who 
were  disabled  by  illness. 

The  Chairman.  I agree  with  you  thoroughly  as  to  the  necessity  of 
having  the  best  and  most  efficient  organization,  and  that  is  what  we 
are  striving  for. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


55 


Senator  Owen.  When  we  fully  appreciate  what  The  organization 
is.  I think  the  first  thing  to  consider  is  the  number  of  officers  that 
Gen.  Gorgas’s  department  will  have  to  supervise.  There  are  20,000 
of  those  officers,  from  lieutenants  up  to  colonels.  The  next  thing  is 
the  personnel  to  be  looked  after.  There  are  over  200,000  hospital 
men  and  over  50.000  nurses,  probably,  or  50,000.  approximately. 
There  will  lie  500,000  beds  altogether.  There  will  be  a peak  load  of 
500.000  sick  that  have  got  to  be  looked  after.  Now.  when  you  con- 
sider the  duties  that  will  be  imposed  upon  the  general  officers,  you 
will  have  to  have  enough  general  officers  to  discharge  this  adminis- 
trative work  with  efficiency. 

The  Chairman.  Why  is  it  that  the  President  has  not  appointed 
more  surgeon  generals? 

Senator  Owen.  I think  the  President  gets  his  initiative  from  the 
General  Staff,  who  will  say  that  so  many  men  should  be  allowed,  and 
then  they  will  be  passed  on  for  nominations.  That  is  about  the  way 
it  goes. 

Maj.  Haggard.  Is  it  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  President,  like 
everybody  else  in  this  country  pretty  much,  will  request  Congress 
to  give  some  relief? 

Senator  Owen.  The  President  did  ask  the  committee  to  pass  this 

bill. 

The  Chairman.  What  became  of  that  recommendation?  I talked 
with  the  President  about  it  and  he  told  me  he  was  in  favor  of  it. 
Senator  Chamberlain  was  sick  and  was  not  here,  and  the  President 
was  so  much  interested  in  it  that  he  wrote  a similar  letter  to  Mr. 
Dent  in  the  House. 

Senator  New.  Can  anybody  tell  us  offhand  how  many  major  gen- 
erals and  how  many  brigadier  generals  there  are  in  the  line  in  the 
Army  now  ? 

The  Chairman.  I could  not. 

Senator  Owen.  I have  the  whole  thing  in  a table.  Mr.  Chairman. 

Maj.  Vaughn.  I will  state  that  there  is  a major  for  every  division 
and  a brigadier  general  for  every  brigade. 

Maj.  Haggard.  I have  a memorandum  that  was  given  me  showing 
225  general  officers. 

The  Chairman.  You  mean  in  the  line? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes,  sir;  major  and  brigadier  generals. 

The  Chairman.  In  all? 

Maj.  Haggard.  Yes,  sir:  at  the  present  time. 

The  Chairman.  And  this  bill  would  add  90  more? 

Senator  New.  That  includes  the  line  and  staff? 

Maj.  Vaughn.  There  are  about  97  divisions  already,  and  a major 
general  for  every  division  and  a brigadier  general  for  every  brigade. 
It  is  about  that  number — about  97  divisions.  Some  of  them  are  not 
full,  of  course. 

Senator  Warren.  There  can  not  be  that  many,  of  course. 

Senator  Owen.  I have  the  general  line  officers  here  as  of  date  May 
20,  1917.  That  will  not  do.  But  there  were  nine  major  generals  of 
the  line  and  5,900  line  officers.  There  was  one  major  general  to  650 
line  officers. 

The  Chairman.  There  must  be  400  at  least. 

Senator  Warren.  What  is  that,  Senator  Owen? 


56 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Senator  Owen.  One  major  general  to  each  656  line  officers  under  him. 

The  Chairman.  There  must  be  in  the  neighborhood  of  400. 

Maj.  Vaughn.  Yes,  sir. 

The  Chairman.  And  this  would  add  about  90  men — about  one 
to  every  four. 

Senator  Warren.  When  we  started  on  this  increase  we  had  5 
major  generals  of  the  line  and  15  brigadiers;  that  is  what  we  had. 
Then,  of  course,  there  were  the  staff  officers.  When  we  passed  the  bill 
for  those  increments  we  carried  the  major  generals  up  to  12  or  16  and 
carried  the  brigadiers  up  to,  I think,  something  like  30,  35,  or  40. 
It  has  slipped  my  memory  for  the  moment.  Now,  with  this  National 
Army  and  this  draft,  et  cetera,  we  have  not  kept  up  with  it,  I do  not 
know  why. 

Senator  Owen.  I worked  this  out  with  regard  to  the  relative  num- 
ber of  line  officers. 

Senator  Warren.  The  better  way  would  be  to  get  that  from  the 
headquarters. 

Senator  Owen.  Yes.  I would  like  to  put  this  in  the  record:  There 
were  15  major  generals  of  the  line  for  each  10,000  line  officers;  there 
were  47  brigadier  generals  of  the  line  to  each  10,000  line  officers;  and 
there  were  62  general  officers.  Therefore,  for  each  10.000  officers — 
for  20,000  officers  in  the  Medical  Department,  if  they  had  the  same 
ratio,  it  would  be  twice  that,  or  twice  62,  which  would  be  124.  This 
bill  that  I sponsored  asked  for  90,  something  less. 

You  will  observe  the  table  gives  the  percentages.  The.  organiza- 
tion of  the  Army  is  one-quarter  of  1 per  cent  of  major  generals,  one- 
quarter  of  1 per  cent  brigadier  generals.  The  bill  I introduced  was 
the  same — one-fourth  of  1 per  cent  major  generals,  one-fourth  of  1 
per  cent  brigadier  generals.  The  British  have  nine  one-hundredths 
of  1 per  cent  lieutenant  generals  and  1 per  cent  and  one  one- 
hundredths  per  cent  of  major  generals.  They  have  no  brigadier  gen- 
erals. They  do  not  use  that  title.  The  French  have  29  lieutenant 
generals  and  one  and  eighteen-hundredths  of  1 per  cent  of  major 
generals.  Japan  has  sixteen-hundredths  of  1 per  cent  lieutenant 
generals  and  seventy-three  hundredths  of  1 per  cent  major  generals. 

Senator  Warren.  And  the  United  States  has  none. 

Senator  Owen.  The  United  States  has  no  lieutenant  generals,  and 
the  bill  that  I introduced  would  give  one-half  of  1 per  cent  altogether 
of  general  officers,  while  Great  Britain  gives  1 per  cent  and  ten  hun- 
dredths— twice  as  much  as  the  suggestion  that  I made.  The  British 
have  twice  as  many  general  officers  as  I proposed  in  this  bill,  and  the 
French  three  times  as  many. 

The  Chairman.  That  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  a division 
in  the  British  Army  is  ten  or  twelve  thousand  men,  and  in  our  xVrmy 
it  is  27,000. 

Maj.  Haggard.  I am  under  the  impression  that  we  have  made  our 
divisions  equal  to  the  continental  divisions. 

The  Chairman.  No;  our  divisions  consist  of  27.584  men  each,  as 
I recall  the  number. 

Senator  Owen.  This  percentage  is  supposed  to  be  of  general  offi- 
cers as  it  relates  to  officers  under  their  command,  and  therefore  the 
relationship,  when  you  sav  20.000  medical  officers,  is  there. 

Senator  Warren.  In  the  Navy,  do  you  know  their  percentage? 
They  have  no  reserve,  so  it  is,  as  I understand  it,  entirely  the  regular 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARM Y MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


57 


j Navy.  Now,  we  take  the  Regular  Army,  and  your  proposition  is  to 
make  the  Regular  Army  and  this  reserve  have  the  same  percentage  as 
the  Regular  Array. 

Senator  Owen.  Yes;  to  be  sure.  It  does  not  make  any  difference 
whether  the 'Navy  has  a reserve  force  or  not.  The  question  does  not 
relate  to  the  reserve  force;  it  is  a question  of  how  many  general 
officers  you  will  give ; how  much  can  one  man  supervise  with  effi- 
ciency ; how  many  subordinate  officers  can  he  look  after  with  efficiency  ? 
The  British  give  twice  as  many  as  I have  proposed  and  France  three 
times  as  many;  Japan  nearly  twice  as  many. 

Senator  Warren.  The  Navy  is  not  a very  good  sample,  because 
they  must  have  an  officer  with  every  group  of  men.  They  may  have 
a dozen  men  or  two  dozen,  and  they  have  to  have  a medical  officer  the 
same.  So  it  is  a little  different. 

Senator  Owen.  We  may  ignore  the  Navy,  but  here  is  the  British 
with  twice  as  many,  the  French  with  three  times  as  many,  and  the 
Japanese  with  twice  as  many,  and  it  is  the  judgment  of  those  nations 
;l  that  a general  officer  can  not  supervise  more  than  so  many  men.  Of 
i course  if  you  pass  this  bill  we  put  twice  as  many  under  the  charge  of 
1.  the  general  officer  as  Japan  does,  we  put  three  times  as  many  as 
France,  and  we  put  twice  as  many  as  Great  Britain.  We  think  our 
people  are  sufficiently  efficient  to  enable  them  to  do  it. 

The  Chairman.  There  is  this  discrepancy  about  those  figures.  We 
know  that  in  France  and  in  England  they  have  not  the  medical  officers 
to  put  into  those  positions.  They  have  not  got  them,  and  naturally 
they  can  not  do  it. 

Senator  Oaven.  What  do  you  mean  by  not  haA'ing  them  ? 

.The  Chairman.  They  are  borrowing  officers  from  us  all  the  time. 

Senator  Oaven.  Yes ; because  they  have  been  called.  They  are  very 
much  exposed  and  are  dropping  out  from  sickness,  etc.  But  I am 
talking  about  their  organization.  I am  showing  now  to  the  com- 
mittee that  here  is  the  precedent  set  by  thoughtful  nations  that  have 
studied  the  happenings  of  the  war,  and  they  found  it  proper  to  give 
one  general  officer  to  so  many  men. 

The  Chairman.  That  is  in  their  regular  establishment.  Your  fig- 
ures do  not  take  into  account  the  increments  that  have  been  added 
during  this  war. 

Senator  Oaven.  Well,  of  course.  I haAe  no  Avay  of  getting  those 
figures.  I only  used  the  figures  that  are  available. 

Maj.  Haggard.  I think  it  Avorks  on  the  percentage  basis,  just  the 
same  as  we  have  the  figures  for  the  present  establishment  in  the 
English  Army,  just  as  the  Senator  has  said.  They  are  that  way.  I 
got  it  from  the  British  representative  of  the  Royal  Army  Medical 
Corps  who  is  stationed  in  the  Surgeon  General’s  office. 

Senator  Oaven.  That  Army  is  a living  thing,  and  Avhen  it  is  ex- 
panding it  ought  to  be  treated  as  a living  organism,  and  there  ought 
to  be  ratios  established,  Avhatever  it  is,  I think.  I do  not  think  that 
you  ought  to  say  that  the  Medical  Department  shall  have  no  expan- 
sion in  proportion  to  the  number  of  men  engaged  in  the  work. 

The  Chairman.  I do  not  think  so,  either. 

Senator  Oa\ten.  If  Ave  have  an  Army  of  2,000.000  men  they  should 
be  relatively  increased — for  5,000.000  five  times  as  large,  and  for 
1 10.000.000  ten  times  as  large. 


58 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Ihv  Chairman.  I clo  not  know  that  it  should  increase  proportion 
atelv,  but  1 do  think  it  ought  to  he  graduated.  In  other  words,  1 
think  there  ought  to  be  always  an  opportunity  for  those  who  come 
into  the  service  to  pass. 

Senator  Owen.  I think  it  is  unfortunate  to  look  at  this  as  a ques- 
tion  of  shoulder  straps  or  preferment  of  individuals. 

The  Chairman.  As  I have  said,  I received  9 telegrams  from  one 
place  and  about  7 from  another,  which  shows  that  there  is  a propa- 
ganda that  has  been  instituted.  Of  course,  you  and  Senator  Warren 
and  I,  who  have  served  in  Congress  for  a long  time,  can  tell  whether 
a telegram  came  from  a man  with  an  honest  purpose,  or  whether  it  is 
a propaganda.  I think  it  is  perfectly  proper  for  anyone  in  Ten- 
nessee who  is  interested  in  this  to  telegraph  me  about  it.  It  is  per- 
fectly evident  to  me  that  this  is  the  result  of  a propaganda. 

Maj.  Haggard.  I think  every  doctor  in  Tennessee  is  interested  in 
this  bill. 

The  Chairman.  I think  they  should  have  written  all  that  to  me. 
because  the}'  are  my  friends. 

Senator  Owen.  I understood  there  was  a convention  down  there 
that  discussed  the  matter,  among  other  tilings. 

The  Chairman.  Yes;  that  is  perfectly  natural,  but  when  1 got 
nine  telegrams  from  one  town  and  seven.  I believe,  from  another, 
it  is  pretty  positive  that  it  is  a propaganda.  Some  one  suggested 
that  those  telegrams  be  sent,  I am  sure. 

Maj.  Haggard.  I think,  if  you  will  pardon  me  for  saying  so,  that 
it  might  be  well  to  explain  that  you  were  good  enough  to  invite  the 
president  of  the  Tennessee  Medical  Society  to  appear  before  this 
committee,  as  well  as  the  secretary  of  the  Tennessee  Medical  Society, 
and  also  Dr.  Witherspoon.  X one  of  those  gentlemen  could  come, 
and  hearing  that  I was  in  Washington,  in  the  Surgeon  General’s 
office,  they  asked  me  to  appear  before  you  to  represent  them,  and  I 
am  here  on  your  kind  invitation.  It  is  perfectly  natural  and  legiti- 
mate. I think,  for  these  gentlemen  in  Tennessee  to  interest  your 
friends  and  their  friends  in  this  important  matter,  or  to  ask  you  by 
telegram  and  otherwise  to  support  the  measure.  They  are  ready  to 
trust  your  judgment  as  to  its  equitable  distribution. 

The  Chairman.  When  I speak  of  propaganda,  if  you  had  served 
here,  as  we  have,  you  could  tell  instantly  when  a telegram  or  letters 
either  were  sent  whether  they  were  sent  by  some  one  with  the  pre- 
conceived idea  or  not ; in  other  words,  you  could  determine  when 
it  was  a propaganda.  But  they  do  not  ordinarily  come  in  that  way. 
We  do  not  get  nine  at  one  time. 

Maj.  Haggard.  1 think  Dr.  Witherspoon  will  be  here  himself. 

The  Chairman.  Yes;  he  is  coming  on  Saturday,  and  we  will  be 
glad  to  hear  him.  My  every  sympathy  is  with  this  movement. 

Maj.  Haggard.  We  appreciate  that  in  Tennessee,  Senator. 

Senator  Owen.  It  is  natural  enough  that  people  interested  in  it 
should  get  people  to  write  you.  I think  it  is  inexpedient  and  I 
always  discourage  that  sort  of  thing,  because  it  is  offensive  in  a 
certain  way.  I know  exactly  when  a propaganda  is  going  on  myself. 

Senator  Warren.  We  all  know  it.  We  get  them  from  every  quar- 
ter. although  we  never  have  the  slightest  interest  in  them. 

Senator  Owen.  They  may  be  thrown  in  the  waste  basket. 

Senator  Warren.  Yes. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


59 


Senator  Owen.  Mr.  Chairman.  I made  up  this  table  very  care- 
fully and  would  like  to  have  it  go  into  the  record. 

The  Chairman.  Without  objection  it  will  be  inserted  in  the  record. 
(The  table  referred  to  is  here  printed  in  full  as  follows:) 

Percentages  of  various  armies  of  general  officers  to  number  of  subordinate 

officers  in  corps. 


Organi- 
zation of 
Navy. 

Owen 

bill. 

Shield  bill. 

Memoradnum  of 
Senator  Chamber- 
lain. 

British. 

French. 

Japan. 

Medical 

Corps. 

Medical 

Reserve 

Corps. 

Medical 

Corps. 

Medical 

Reserve 

Corps.1 

Lieutenant 

Per  cent. 

0.09 

0.29 

0.16 

Major  general . . 

A 

A 

A 

1.01 

1.18 

.73 

Brigadier  gen- 

A 

A 

(2) 

(2) 

4 1 

4 

3*5 

4 

3*5 

2.66 

2. 96 

L 87 

L i e u t e n ant 

8 

8 

5^7 

8 

. 

11.92 

5. 62 

3.17 

23.5 

23.5 

23.  69 

23-H 

30. 37 

21.89 

10.15 

32 

32 

32 

34. 85 

33|-6 

30. 35 

34.31 

38.42 

First  lieuten- 

ant 

32 

32 

33 

34.  85 

331-2 

15. 59 

33.75 

45. 50 

1 As  the  President  may  deem  necessary.  2 None. 


Senator  Owen.  1 have  also  a letter  from  the  President  addressed 
to  Dr.  Franklin  Martin  that  I would  like  to  have  go  into  the  record. 

The  Chairman.  Without  objection  that  will  be  done. 

(The  letter  referred  to  is  here  printed  in  full  as  follows:) 

The  White  House, 
Washington,  March  ~>,  191S. 

My  Dear  Dr.  Martin  : I read  very  carefully  your  memorandum  of  February 
27  about  the  rank  accorded  members  of  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  Army  and 
have  taken  pleasure  in  writing  letters  to  the  chairmen  of  the  Military  Com- 
mittees of  the  House  and  Senate,  expressing  the  hope  that  the  bill  and  resolu- 
tion may  be  passed. 

Cordially  and  sincerely,  yours. 

Woodrow  Wilson. 

Dr.  Franklin  Martin, 

Ad  visor y Corn-m  ission, 

Council  of  National  Defense. 

The  Chairman.  In  this  connection  the  letter  addressed  to  Senator 
Thomas  by  the  President  will  be  inserted  in  the  record. 

(The  letter  referred  to  is  here  printed  in  full  as  follows:) 

The  White  House, 
Washington , March  .5,  IMS. 

My  Dear  Senator:  I am  going  to  take  the  liberty  of  writing  just  a line  to 
express  my  interest  in  the  passage  of  Senate  bill  No.  3748.  designed  to  put  the 
Medical  Corps  of  the  Army  upon  the  same  footing  of  rank  with  the  Medical 
Corps  of  the  Navy.  It  seems  to  me,  as  I have  no  doubt  it  seems  to  you,  that 
this  is  a manifest  act  of  justice,  and  I hope  sincerely  that  the  bill  may  meet 
with  the  approval  of  the  committee  in  the  Senate. 

Cordially  and  sincerely,  yours. 

Woodrow  Wilson. 

Hon.  Charles  S.  Thomas, 

Acting  Chairman  Committee  on  Military  Affairs, 

United  States  Senate. 


60 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ABMY  MEDICAL  OFFICEBS. 


The  Chairman.  Also  a letter  addressed  to  Mr.  Dent  by  the  Presi- 
dent  of  date  March  5,  1918. 

(The  letter  referred  to  is  here  printed  in  full  as  follows:) 


The  White. House, 
Washington,  March  5,  1918. 

_My  Dear  Mr.  Dent  : I am  going  to  take  the  liberty  of  writing  just  a line  to 
express  my  interest  in  the  passage  of  House  resolution  No.  9563,  designed  to 
put  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  Army  upon  the  same  footing  of  rank  with  the 
Medical  Corps  of  the  Navy.  It  seems  to  me,  as  I have  no  doubt  it  seems  to 
you,  that  this  is  a manifest  act  of  justice,  and  I hope  sincerely  that  the  bill  may 
meet  with  the  approval  of  the  committee  in  the  House. 

Cordially  and  sincerely,  yours, 

Woodrow  Wilson. 


Hon.  S.  Hubert  Dent,  Jr., 

House  of  Representatives. 


Senator  Owen.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  my  own  opinion  was  that 
whatever  was  done  the  ratios  ought  to  be  definitely  fixed,  because  we 
do  not  know  what  the  expansion  will  be,  and  it  is  not  a wise  thing  to 
have  an  army  with  one  part  of  it  expanding  and  the  other  part  not 
expanding. 

Senator  Warren.  Senator  Owen,  I understand  that  you  would  like 
in  each  case  to  have  a percentage  and  not  a certain  number? 

Senator  Owen.  Yes;  if  you  do  not  like  the  arrangement  of  per- 
centages in  the  Navy,  then  whatever  percentage  you  fix  let  it  be  defi- 
nite;  let  it  expand  according  to  the  development  of  the  military 
service. 

Now,  there  has  been  some  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  General 
Staff,  I think,  to  regard  the  medical  reserve  officers  as  being  less  de- 
serving of  recognition  than  those  who  are  in  the  regular  corps — the 
regular  Medical  Corps — but  when  you  consider  that  the  very  ablest 
and  best  surgeons  in  the  United  States,  men  who  are  earning  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  dollars  a year,  are  perfectly  willing  to  give  up 
their  professions,  such  men  as  the  Mayos 

The  Chairman.  And  gentlemen  like  this  gentleman  at  our  left 
[indicating  Maj.  Haggard]. 

Senator  Owen.  Yes;  when  such  gentlemen  give  up  such  tremen-  j 
dous  practice  and  the  most  important  civil  responsibilities,  we  all 
understand  that  it  is  impossible  to  recompense  them  with  money. 
The  only  thing  you  could  do  would  be  to  give  them  the  opportunity 
of  rendering  a larger  service.  That  is  all  they  want — to  render 
service,  and  when  they  go  over  to  the  front  and  go  into  the  medical 
conferences  and  Maj.  Mayo  takes  a seat  at.  the  foot  of  the  table,  when 
other  men  who  do  not  compare  with  him  take  a higher  position  and 
are  listened  to  more  respectfully  because  of  their  rank,  I think  it  im- 
pairs the  efficiency  of  men  like  Mayo. 

Senator  Warren.  Speaking  generally,  it  has  always  been  that  the 
higher  officers  in  the  medical  service  are  and  should  be  good  mana- 
gers and  good  executive  men. 

Senator  Owen.  Sometimes  men  are  the  very  best  surgeons,  but 
they  pay  no  attention  to  them — I have  no  particular  person  in  mind. 

I think  in  that  case  this  bill  which  I propose  expressly  considers 
that,  providing  that  they  might  be  given  the  positions.  It  provides: 


The  Surgeon  General  shall  have  authority  to  designate  as  “ consultants  ” 
officers  of  either  corps  and  relieve  them  as  the  interests  of  the  service  may 
require. 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


61 


That  is  exactly  framed  to  meet  the  point  raised,  that  administrative 
duties  should  not  be  on  those  men,  but  they  should  be  in  charge  merely 
of  the  surgical  end  of  it. 

That  is  all  I care  to  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  and  I thank  the  committee 
for  its  courtesy. 

STATEMENT  OF  MAJ.  GEN.  WILLIAM  C.  GORGAS,  SURGEON  GEN- 
ERAL OF  THE  ARMY. 

The  Chairman.  Gen.  Gorgas,  the  last  time  you  were  here  before 
the  committee  1 asked  you,  in  the  interest  of  what  I conceived  to  be 
the  best  interest  of  the  service,  to  confer  with  the  officers  under  you 
in  order  to  see  if  you  could  come  to  some  conclusion  or  some  adjust- 
ment of  this  matter,  it  being  then  thought  by  many  that  the  brigadier 
generals  and  the  major  generals  especially  were  too  numerous  in 
proportion,  and  I believe  you  told  me  that  you  would  do  it.  As  you 
are  here,  I will  ask  you  if  you  have  any  further  views  to  submit  to  the 
committee? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Mr.  Chairman,  I think  that  the  number  asked  for  is 
a very  moderate  number,  and  we  would  like  to  get  that  ratio  if  pos- 
sible, of  course.  If  Congress  does  not  give  us  that  number  we  are 
going  to  take  thankfully  anything  else  that  they  will  give  us.  But 
the  number  is  smaller  by  half  of  1 per  cent  than  any  other  branch 
of  the  Army — that  is,  in  the  ratio  of  its  officers. 

The  chairman  of  the  committee,  Senator  Chamberlain,  gave  me  a 
.draft  of  a bill,  asking  me  to  look  it  over  and  see  what  I thought  of  it. 
At  the  time  I was  here  you  spoke  of  a bill  that  was  evidently  drawn 
to  meet  the  wishes  of  the  Assistant  Secretary,  which  we  discussed  a 
good  deal,  and  in  which  we  took  the  ground  that  its  was  very  unfair 
for  Congress  to  pass  any  bill  providing  for  ratios  for  the  Medical 
Department  that  did  not  apply  to  other  corps.  Now,  whoever  drew 
it — the  War  College  evidently  dreAv  it — the  wording  of  the  bill  would 
cover  that  point — to  make  the  ratios  given  to  the  Medical  Depart- 
ment, one-half  of  1 per  cent,  apply  to  every  other  branch  of  the  Army. 

The  Chairman.  That  bill  was  never  introduced. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No,  sir. 

The  Chairman.  It  was  just  a memorandum  that  was  prepared. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I was  going  on  to  show  what  the  effect  of  the  ratios 
would  be.  Whoever  drew  up  this  scheme,  when  we  saw  that  if  they 
gave  that  ratio  that  we  asked  for  to  the  other  Staff  Corps  it  would 
decrease  the  number  of  general  officers  in  every  other  Staff  Corps, 
we  put  a qualifying  clause  in  of  this  kind:  “ Provided , That  the. 
President  shall  appoint  not  less  than  one  general  officer  and  not  more 
than  three  over  and  above  those  granted  by  this  clause.”  I merely 
i mention  that  to  show  what  seems  to  us  the  moderation  of  this  bill. 
If  you  should  make  this  bill  apply  to  commissioned  officers  of  the 
whole  United  States  Army,  everybody  else  would  be  cut  down  in 
their  general  officers  less  than  half. 

The  Chairman.  Of  course  you  are  not  in  favor  of  that. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No,  sir;  I have  no  desire  to  do  that.  I do  not  think 
it  would  do.  I think  all  the  Staff  Corps  want  the  same  general 
officers.  As  I told  you  at  the  time,  I had  not  any  idea  that  the  Sec- 
retary expected  me  to  look  out  for  the  rest  of  the  Army,  and  I did 


62 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


not  see  how  it  would  affect  them,  but  I said  I would  be  very  glad  to 
do  anything  1 could  to  get  the  same  justice  meted  out  to  the  other 
Staff  Corps  that  was  meted  out  to  the  Medical  Department. 

The  Chairman.  As  I understand  it,  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the 
Assistant  Secretary  of  War  and  the  War  College  and  the  General 
Staff,  all  are  very  much  opposed  to  legislation  of  this  kind. 

(fen.  (torgas.  As  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  I would  not  like  to  say 
that.  The  War  College  is.  the  Chief  of  Staff  is.  The  last  time  we 
discussed  it  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  while  he  would  not  agree  to 
support  it  he  told  us we  asked  that  question,  “ is  there  any  objec- 

tion, Mr.  Secretary,  to  our  officers  of  the  Army  advocating  that  to 
Congress?  ” He  used  the  expression,  “ The  lid  is  off;  so  ahead.”  I 
gathered  from  his  action  that  he  would  not  oppose  the  bill. 

Senator  Warren.  With  regard  to  what  General  Gorgas  says  about 
seeing  the  bill  here  is  a proposition  along  that  line.  May  I read  it? 
It  is  in  the  nature  of  an  amendment  to  the  bill. 

The  Chairman.  Certainly. 

Senator  Warren  (reading)  : 

Provided  that  the  provisions  of  so  much  of  the  act  of  Congress  approved 
August  29,  1916.  as  relate  to  fixing  the  numbers,  rank  and  pay  of  officers,  or 
the  pay  of  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  Navy,  with  the  rank  above  that  of  cap- 
tain, are  hereby  extended  so  that  they  shall  hereafter  apply  also  as  far  as 
applicable  to  corresponding  grades  of  the  Army,  being  substituted  for  those 
of  the  Navy,  to  the  staff  officers  and  corps  of  the  Army,  to  wit,  adjutant  gen- 
erals, inspectors  general,  judge  advocates  general,  ordnance  department,  quar- 
termaster,. medical,  engineer.  Signal  Corps,  and  nothing  in  this  act,  or  any 
other  act  shall  be  held  or  construed  to  make  the  foregoing  extension  operative 
or  applicable  except  as  hereinafter  specified;  and  provided  further  that  each 
of  the  staff  officers  and  corps  of  the  Army  named  in  the  foregoing  provision 
shall  be  entitled  to  at  least  one,  and  not  more  than  three  additional  officers 
under  the  terms  of  the  said  proviso. 

That  is  what  you  are  talking  about. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes,  sir. 

The  Chairman.  I understand  that  was  prepared  by  the  War  Col- 
lege or  the  General  Staff. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I do  not  know.  Senator  Chamberlain  just  handed 
it  to  me  and  asked  me  what  I thought  of  it.  But  from  what  has 
occurred,  I judge  it  was.  It  was  not  from  the  Secretary’s  office. 

The  Chairman.  I will  say  to  you  frankly  that  there  was  that  stum- 
bling block  to  the  Owen  bill,  which  I have  heard  discussed  often,  and 
I think  they  are  the  most  serious  troubles  that  we  are  going  to  have. 
To  use  an  expression  that  a Congressman  used  to  me,  “ the  idea  of 
manufacturing  fifty  or  a hundred  brigadier  generals  and  fifty  or  a 
hundred  major  generals  for  the  Navy  Department,  is  something 
that  would  be  somewhat  out  of  proportion  to  the  other  establish- 
ments that  we  could  not  do  it ” that  is  out  of  proportion  with 

the  matter  as  it  stands  now,  not  probably  out  of  the  proper  propor- 
tion. That  was  his  idea. 

The  other  difficulty  is  that  it  seems  it  has  gotten  abroad  that  in 
some  way  it  is  proposed  by  this  bill  to  change  the  method  of  select- 
ing a Surgeon  General  in  the  event  you  retired  and  another  one  was 
to  be  selected — I am  dealing  frankly  with  you  now.  The  statement 
was  that  it  was  hoped  that  some  one  outside  of  the  Medical  Corps  of 
the  Army  could  get  that  place  and  that  it  was  a propaganda  started 
in  the  interest  of  some  gentleman  to  secure  that  place  for  the  Re- 
serve Corps  rather  than  for  the  Medical  Corps. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


63 


Now.  it  strikes  me  that  is  the  thing  you  have  got  to  consider, 
whether  it  is  a matter  of  changing  the  law.  and  I asked  you  to  look 
into  it.  Could  you  tell  me? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I did  ask  the  law  clerk  to  look  up  that  very  point. 
He  tells  me  that  nothing  that  has  passed  affects  the  law  as  far  as  the 
Surgeon- General  of  the  Army  is  concerned,  and  that  still  the  Presi- 
dent is  confined  to  officers  above  the  rank  of  Major  in  his  selection; 
that  this  bill  would  not  affect  that : 

The  Medical  Department  shall  consist  of  one  Surgeon  General,  with  the  rank 
of  major  general  during  the  active  service  of  the  present  incumbent  of  that 
office,  and  thereafter  with  the  rank  of  brigadier  general,  who  shall  he  chief  of 
said  department. 

When  vacancies  shall  occur  in  the  position  of  chief  of  any  staff  corps  or 
department  the  President  may  appoint  to  such  vacancies,  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  officers  of  the  Army  at  large  not  below  the 
rank  of  lieutenant-colonel,  and  who  shall  hold  office  for  terms  of  four  years. 
.When  a vacancy  in  the  position  of  chief  of  any  staff  corps  or  department  is 
filled  by  the  appointment  of  any  officer  below  the  rank  now  provided  by  law  for 
said  office,  said  chief  shall,  while  so  serving,  have  the  same  rank.  pay.  and 
allowances  now  provided  for  the  chief  of  such  corps  or  department. 

The  Chairman.  That  settles  that, 

Gen.  Gorgas.  But  we  have  had  examples  in  other  corps  like  the 
Quartermaster’s  and  the  Ordnance  Corps.  If  the  President  wishes 
a man  relieved,  he  can  relieve  anybody  at  the  head  of  a department 
and  appoint  a quartermaster  anywhere.  He  could  appoint  a reserve 
corps  man.  It  would  not  be  even  necessary,  I imagine,  for  him  to 
appoint  a doctor.  His  choice  as  to  that  is  absolutely  unlimited,  as  I 
understand. 

With  regard  to  the  other  question  about  the  ratios,  and  the  other 
corps,  I do  not  think  you  understood  what  I said  with  regard  to  this 
bill.  If  we  got  this  half  per  cent  we  would  be  lower  in  ratio  than 
anv  other  branch  of  the  Army,  much  lower. 

Senator  Warren.  Eight  on  that  point.  I think  probably  this  propo- 
sition that  I saw  refers  to  the  Kegular  Army  alone,  because  this 
gives  the  number  of  officers  in  the  different  departments.  The 
medical  department  has  1.485,  and  it  will  take  seven  general  officers. 

The  Chairman.  That  refers  probably  to  the  Medical  Corps  of  the 
Army.  Well,  General,  suppose  that  we  could  get  the  bill  through,  or 
thought  we  could  get  the  bill  through  for  just  one-half  the  number 
of  general  officers,  do  you  think  you  could  make  that  system  with  that 
number  of  men  effective,  or  would  you  prefer  not  to  have  any  legis- 
lation than  the  one-fourth. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  No;  I would  take  anything  I could  get  that  I believed 
would  help  me.  I would  not  want  to  take  the  position  of  getting  all 
that  I asked  or  nothing. 

Senator  Warren.  Sometimes  it  is  ivell  to  get  what  you  can  and 
then  start  in  to  get  more. 

The  Chairman.  Down  in  my  State  (Tennessee)  the  doctors,  with- 
out a dissenting  voice,  instructed  me  to  stand  for  the  Owen  bill  or 
nothing;  they  did  not  want  any  unless  they  could  get  the  Owen  bill. 

General  Gorgas.  I think  to  say  that,  if  it  conies  to  the  actual  ac- 
ceptance, would  be  from  my  point  of  view,  a great  mistake,  I mean 
to  say  to  take  any  measure  that  would  jeojardize  the  whole  bill. 
This'bill,  of  course,  is  as  you  see  entirely  for  the  benefit  of  this  re- 
serve corps,  if  it  passes. 


64 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Senator  Warren.  That  is  the  point  I want  to  make.  Our  diffi- 
culty right  now  is  this  great  big  reserve.  That  is  what  brings  up 
this  matter  of  percentages — that  is,  who  are  in  the  Army  and  not  in 
the  Army.  Of  course  you  value  them  as  we  do  but  it  is  a bit  hard  to 
handle  because  these  men  who  come  in  have  not  been  used  to  regime 
and  discipline,  and  you  have  been,  as  you  have  followed  it  for  years 
and  there  are  a great  many  more  amongst  them  who  think  they  ought 
to  be  recognized  as  a very  high  officer  to  commence  with. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Do  you  mean  the  difficulty  of  using  them? 

Senator  Warren.  Xo:  I mean  that  some  of  them  are  pushing  this 
kind  of  propaganda  that  is  unfortunate,  and  the  Senate  nor  this  com- 
mittee, have  any  reason  or  wish  to  do  anything  except  what  is  right. 
It,  is  unfortunate  to  start  a propaganda  and  say,  “ If  you  do  not  vote 
this  way  something  is  going  to  happen.”  We  are  all  of  the  same 
mind  here,  and  when  these  telegrams  are  sent  to  us  it  injures  rather 
than  helps  the  cause. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes;  I can  see  that.  As  I was  saying,  the  bill  is 
entirely  for  the  benefit  of  the  Reserve  Corps.  Suppose  it  passes. 
The  central  point  of  the  bill  is  that  the  Reserve  Corps  now,  as  a 
Reserve  Corps,  can  not  get  higher  than  major.  This  bill  would  give 
them,  for  every  thousand  reserve  officers,  80  lieutenant  colonels,  40 
colonels,  and  5 general  officers.  That  is  the  gist  of  the  bill.  Now, 
the  important  part  of  that  bill,  as  far  as  the  Reserve  Corps  is  con- 
cerned  

The  Chairman.  Lieutenant  colonels  and  colonels,  is  it? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  Yes,  sir.  It  would  affect  120  men  where  it  would 
affect  5.  That  is  what  seems  to  me  to  be  the  important  part  of  it. 

The  Chairman.  Gentlemen,  is  there  anything  else  that  you  would 
like  to  say  about  this  matter? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I think  not,  Mr.  Chairman. 

The  Chairman.  We  are  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  at- 
tendance upon  the  committee. 

STATEMENT  0E  MAJ.  VICTOR  C.  VAUGHAN. 

The  Chairman.  Maj.  Vaughan,  do  you  desire  to  give  the  committee 
the  benefit  of  your  views  upon  this  bill? 

Maj.  Vaugi-ian.  Mr.  Chairman,  I think  there  is  very  little  to  say. 
I take  it  that  we  all  agree  that  the  higher  rank  is  desirable  for  medi- 
cal officers.  Senator  New  and  I were  in  the  Spanish  War  and  we 
know  something  about  the  matter,  so  I shall  not  argue  that  point. 

There  are  two  ways  of  calculating  the  number  of  officers  needed; 
one  is  upon  the  number  of  commissioned  officers,  a certain  percentage 
to  be  general  officers,  and  the  other  is  on  the  number  of  enlisted  men. 
Now,  you  can  not  account  for  the  medical  department  with  enlisted 
men.  There  are  one  hundred  thousand  enlisted  men  for  every  mil- 
lion in  the  Army,  and  if  we  have  twTo  million  it  would  be  two  hundred 
thousand  enlisted  men,  and  say  fifty  thousand  nurses.  That  would 
be  250,000  under  the  Surgeon  General,  apart  from  the  officers,  but 
there  might  be  500.000  in  the  hospitals.  The  numbers  in  the  hospitals 
are  constantly  fluctuating,  and  as  long  as  they  are  in  the  hospitals 
they  are  under  the  control  of  the  medical  officers. 

So,  evidently,  you  can  not  calculate  on  the  enlisted  men  as  you 
can  in  the  line.  There  is  no  doubt  but  what  we  need  a large  number 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOE  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


65 


of  general  officers.  I do  not  think  there  is  any  difference  here 
among  ns  in  this  room  upon  the  question  so  far  as  this  goes. 

Senator  Warren.  Not  in  this. 

Maj.  Vaughan.  Simply  the.  number,  that  is  all  there  is  to  it. 

Senator  New.  That  is  absolutely  all  there  is  to  it. 

Maj.  Vaughan.  If  the  men  asked  for  are  too  many,  cut  them  down 
to  what  you  think  they  ought  to  be.  That  is  the  proper  way  to  do, 
and  I want  to  say  that  if  there  is  any  discrimination  in  this  bill  in 
any  way  against  the  regular  Medical  Corps — I do  not  believe  there 
is  any  such  intention— but  if  there  is  any  discrimination  against  the 
regular  Medical  Corps.  I am  opposed  to  it. 

The  Chairman.  You  want  to  cut  that  out. 

Maj.  Vaughan.  I want  that  cut  out  because  they  are  the  men 
who  are  in  it,  after  all,  for  their  life's  work,  and  they  are  the  men 
we  must  think  of  at  all  times,  and  if  there  is  any  chance  for  a man 
out  of  the  regular  corps  being  Surgeon  General,  I am  against  the  bill 
and  would  rather  see  the  bill  fail. 

Maj.  Haggard.  I think  we  all  would. 

The  Chairman.  I think  that  is  the  way  we  should  all  feel  about  it. 

Maj.  Vaughan.  If  one-half  of  1 per  cent  is  too  many — I rather 
think  it  is  myself — cut  it  down. 

The  Chairman.  Is  there  anything  further  that  you  desire  to  say, 
Major? 

Maj.  Vaughan.  There  is  nothing  else  that  I think  necessary,  Mr. 
Chairman. 

STATEMENT  OF  MAJ.  F.  F.  SIMPSON,  CHIEF  MEDICAL  SECTION, 
COUNCIL  OF  NATIONAL  DEFENSE. 

The  Chairman.  Maj.  Simpson,  the  committee  will  be  glad  to  have 
any  views  that  you  desire  to  express  upon  this  bill. 

Maj.  Simpson.  Mr.  Chairman,  I think  the  subject  has  been  very 
carefully  presented  to  the  committee  this  afternoon.  I believe  all 
have  agreed  that  the  one  thing  that  is  desired  is  efficiency.  There 
are  a number  of  classical  questions  that  show  that  rank  does  have  a 
difference  in  the  efficiency. 

Gen.  Gorgas  will  pardon  me  for  a moment  for  referring  to  an 
experience  that  he  had,  he  having  wiped  the  yellow  fever  out  of 
Cuba  with  the  same  group  of  men,  I understand,  that  went  to  Pan- 
ama. For  a period  of  a year  he  did  not  meet  with  the  success  that 
he  had  in  Cuba.  During  that  period  his  requests  and  recommenda- 
tions did  not  go  directly  by  word  of  mouth  or  otherwise  from  him 
personally  to  the  canal  commissioners,  but  went  through  a number 
of  people  not  thoroughly  familiar  with  medical  activities.  At  the 
close  of  that  time  the  wisdom  of  putting  him  on  the  canal  com- 
mission itself  was  seen.  As  soon  as  he  was  put  on  the  canal  com- 
mission. with  the  same  men.  the  same  group  of  assistants,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  completely  cleaning  up  the  Panama  Canal  Zone  and  mak- 
ing it  possible  to  dig  the  canal. 

I believe  that  is  classical.  I believe  that  is  stamped  upon  the  heart, 
the  mind,  and  the  soul  of  every  doctor  in  America.  I believe  the 
disaster  that  occurred  in  the  Spanish  War  is  also  indelibly  impressed 
upon  the  hearts  of  every  well-thinking  medical  man  of  America. 

5 


61461 — 18- 


66 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOB  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


I believe,  therefore,  that  they  are  all  interested  in  this  bill;  that  they 
have  been  interested  in  this  bill  for  many  years — ever  since  the 
Spanish- American  War,  and  I feel  that  the  vast  majority  of  them 
were  delighted  when  a few  months  ago  the  number  of  officers  in  the 
Army  was  put  on  the  percentage  basis,  because  they  felt  it  would  be 
possible  for  them  to  prepare  in  advance  to  know  something  definite — 
how  to  help  prepare  in  the  event  of  serious  trouble.  I believe  it  'l 
would  be  a misfortune df  we  at  this  time  put  the  rank  on  a percent-  |' 
age  basis,  because  it  seems  probable,  if  we  may  read  the  future  within 
any  degree  of  certainty,  that  from  time  to  time  new  increments  will  I 
have  to  be  added  to  the  Army. 

If  Gen.  Gorgas  knows  in  advance  what  percentage  of  men  he  must  j 
train — and  other  men  for  higher  officers  must  be  trained  as  well  as 
men  for  lower  officers — he  can  be  looking  out  in  advance  and  prepar- 
ing for  coming  events.  We,  in  surgery,  look  upon  our' work  in  two 
ways — emergency  surgery  on  the  one  hand,  where  under  unfortunate 
circumstances  a man  must  do  the  best  he  can,  and  elective  surgery, 
in  which  he  may  prepare  in  advance  to  forestall  the  grave  danger 
incident  to  surgery.  Elective  surgery  has  made  possible  an  exceed- 
ingly low  death  rate;  emergency  surgery  has  a high  death  rate. 

Now,  if  Gen.  Gorgas  is  expected  to  prepare  for  the  caring  of 
soldiers,  the  prime  thing  to  keep  them  fit  to  fight,  the  next  thing  to 
remove  those  who  have  been  unfortunate  enough  to  be  wounded  as 
quickly  as  possible,  and  the  third  thing  to  restore  the  wounded  as 
completely  as  possible  to  the  full  vigor  of  manhood,  it  is  impossible 
for  him  to  do  it  without  planning  far  in  advance. 

The  question  was  raised  some  time  ago  as  to  the  Secretary’s  atti- 
tude with  regard  to  the  general  question  of  rank  for  medical  men. 

I do  not  know  that  he  has  specifically  made  a statement  with  regard 
to  medicine  itself,  but  I have  here  a few  extracts  taken  from  a statey 
ment  that  he  made,  I believe,  before  a congressional  committee  on 
January  16,  1917,  the  last  paragraph  of  which  reads: 

If  in  all  these  joint  matters  in  which  the  Army  and  Navy  are  concerned  the 
Navy  by  reason  of  the  position  of  superior  grade  is  entitled  to  outrank  the 
Army,  the  Army  must  perforce  regard  itself  and  be  looked  upon  as  a subordi- 
nate branch,  and  this  is  too  inequitable  . 

The  balance  of  this  paper  I would  like  to  submit ; and  if  it  is  not 
encroaching  upon  your  time  too  much,  it  might  be  read.  I think  at 
least  it  ought  to  appear  in  the  record. 

Senator  Warren.  Is  that  from  the  Secretary  or  Assistant  Sec- 
retary ? 

Maj.  Simpson.  It  is  a quotation  from  a statement  made  by  Secre- 
tary Baker. 

The  Chairman.  Without  objection  it  will  be  inserted  m the  record. 

(The  paper  referred  to  is  here  printed  in  full,  as  follows:) 

Secretary  of  War  Baker  demonstrated  that  he  desires  recognition  for  the 
Medical  Depai'tment  of  the  Army  when  on  January  16,  191 7,  he  stated  to 

Congress : . 

“ I wish  to  strongly  emphasize  that  without  legislation  giving  the  Army 
equalization  of  rank  in  the  higher  grades  with  that  of  the  Navy,  the  branch 
of  the  Government  of  which  1 am  in  charge  will  be  done  an  obvious  injustice, _ 
the  detrimental  effect  of  which  to  the  Army  is  too  clear  to  require  more  than  a ! 
statement  All  the  reasons  which  have  been  urged  for  the  creation,  of  these 
grades  in  the  Navy  so  as  to  efficiently  handle  the  units  properly  composing  a 
command  to  be  under  the  direction  of  such  officers  of  the  Navy  are  present  in  at 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


67 


least  an  equal.  degree  in  the  Army.  As  Congress,  after  a full  consideration  of 
the  subject,  wisely  decided  on  the  advisability  of  giving  the  Navy  these  grades 
in  01  dei  that  it  may  be  properly  and  efficiently  officered,  for  similar  reasons  it 
should  now  provide  similar  grades  for  the  Army. 

“ Tlie  embarrassment  which  arises  in  every  branch  of  the  service  when 
brought  in  contact  with  other  officers  of  foreign  service  of  superior  grade  but 
not  existing  in  our  service  is  identical. 

_ “ But  the  constant  embarrassment  arising  between  the  two  services  in  the 
disparity  of  rank  is  too  apparent  to  call  for  any  more  mention. 

“ If  in  all  those  joint  matters  in  which  the  Army  and  Navy  are  concerned,  the 
Navy,  by  reason  of  the  position  of  the  superior  grade,  is  entitled  to  outrank  the 
Army,  the  Army  must  perforce  regard  itself  and  be  looked  upon  as  a subordinate 
branch,  and  this  is  too  inequitable:” 


Maj.  Simpson.  I believe,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  in  the  heart  of  every 
right-thinking  medical  man  in  America  that  is  the  one  motive  which 
prompts  the  desire.  As  has  been  truly  said,  there  are  a very  large 
number  of  the  very  best  men  in  America  in  the  Reserve  Corps,  many 
of  whom  make  a tremendous  sacrifice.  Their  salaries  are  not  sufficient 
to  pay  their  insurance,  not  sufficient  to  pay  mortgages  on  their  homes. 
In  many  instances  their  wives  are  earning  their  own  livelihood  while 
they  are  in  the  Army.  They  are  not  rated  as  a combatant  force,  and 
at  the  same  time  they  are  in  the  forefront.  They  go  over  the  top; 
they  are  in  the  barrage  fire ; they  are  getting  bullets ; they  come  to 
the  other  men  without  a weapon  with  which  to  protect  themselves. 

X feel  that  when  men  of  that  kind,  men  of  scientific  knowledge,  are 
willing  to  sacrifice  themselves  whether  they  get  rank  or  not,  we  will 
get  every  doctor  we  need  even  if  there  is  not  one  single  increase  in  the 
rank.  But  they  know  of  the  disasters  of  the  past.  They  know  how 
to  prevent  disaster  to-day  and  if  their  ability  can  be  utilized,  that 
will  prevent  disasters. 

The  Surgeon  General,  who  knows  better  than  anyone  else  what 
percentage  he  can  use  to  advantage,  has  asked  for  what  he  thinks  is 
necessary.  Because  I know  of  the  splendid  work  that  he  has  done.  I 
personally  would  very  much  like  to  see  his  judgment  accepted. 

I thank  you,  Mr.  Chairman  and  Senators. 

The  Chairman.  Before  we  adjourn  I would  like  to  ask  Gen.  Gorgas 
a question  about  a rather  disconnected  matter.  I have  gotten  a good 
many  letters  complaining  that  men  across  the  ocean,  in  France, 
surgeons,  are  not  promoted  as  rapidly  as  men  on  this  side.  Could 
you  give  me  any  information  about  that  ? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I would  have  to  look  up  and  see  what  the  facts 
are. 

The  Chairman.  A ill  you  do  that?  I have  my  doubts  whether  such 
a condition  exists.  I can  not  conceive  how  it  would  be  possible  but  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  complaints  have  been  made,  I would  be  very 
glad  indeed  to  let  you  put  in  the  record  your  answer  to  this  question, 
stating  what  the  facts  are  so  that  we  may  inform  our  constituents 
when  they  read  about  it. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  I may  say  that  a good  many  are  promoted  on  the 
other  side ; I do  not  know  what  the  ratio  is. 

The  Chairman.  The  subcommittee  will  now  adjourn. 

(Accordingly,  at  5 o’clock  p.  m.,  the  subcommittee  adjourned,  sub- 
ject to  the  call  of  the  chairman.) 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL 
OFFICERS.. 


MONDAY,  MAY  6,  1918. 

United  States  Senate. 

Subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs, 

Washington,  I) . C . 

The  subcommittee  met  at  11  o'clock  a.  m.  in  the  committee  room 
at  the  Capitol,  Senator  Kenneth  D.  McKellar  presiding. 

Present:  Senators  McKellar  (chairman),  Warren,  and  New. 

Also  present:  Dr.  J.  A.  Witherspoon  and  Map  Louis  L.  Seaman. 

The  Chairman.  We  will  first  hear  Dr.  Witherspoon. 

STATEMENT  OF  J.  A.  WITHERSPOON,  M.  D.,  OF  NASHVILLE, 

TENN. 

The  Chairman.  Dr.  Witherspoon,  I show  you  this  bill  introduced 
by  Mr.  Owen,  Senate  bill  3748,  which  virtually  means  a reorganiza- 
tion of  the  Medical  Reserve  Corps.  I will  ask  you  to  look  at  it  and 
give  us  any  views  as  you  may  have  on  that  subject. 

Dr.  W iTHERSPOON.  Now,  gentlemen,  in  regard  to  this  bill,  I want 
to  say  to  you  before  starting  that  I am  more  particularly  interested 
in  the  advantages  to  be  obtained  by  the  bill  than  its  absolute  technical 
phrasing  or  its  items  for  two  reasons:  In  the  first  place.  I happen 
to  be  in  touch  with  the  medical  profession.  As  you  know.  Senator 
McKellar,  I was  president  of  the  A.  M.  A.  at  one  time,  and  I know 
all  of  the  men  of  any  repute  in  the  United  States.  I feel  that  they 
as  a unit  are  in  favor  of  this,  and  not  for  selfish  motives,  either.  Our 
State  profession  is  practically  solid  for  it,  and  there  are  two  reasons, 
in  my  judgment,  why  it  should  be  passed.  The  first  is  the  efficiency 
of  the  organization  of  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  Army,  and  the  second 
is  the  service  that  can  be  rendered  our  boys  in  this  war. 

If  it  was  just  a question  of  giving  titles  to  the  profession,  I want 
to  say  that  I for  one  wouldn’t  care  a snap  for  it.  Men  who  have 
spent  their  lives,  gentlemen,  in  any  profession  and  reached  the  top 
of  that  profession,  that  is  their  ideal  and  that  is  what  they  want. 
The  title  here  is  only  valuable  because  rank  is  so  valuable  in  the 
Army  to  get  orders  obeyed.  I will  give  you  an  illustration  of  that 
one  point.  I understand  that  Gen.  Pershing  requested  that  Dr. 
W.  S.  Thayer,  of  Johns  Hopkins,  be  sent  abroad  to  him  to  take 
charge  of  tiie  medical  part  of  his  service  in  France  as  chief  of  that 
staff,  just  as  Dr.  Finney  is  the  chief  of  surgery.  When  you  think 
that  tiie  heads  of  the  allied  armies  in  the  medical  service  have  gen- 
eralship titles — one.  I think,  is  a lieutenant  general  and  the  other 

69 


70  ADVANCED  BANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 

a major  general — in  England  first  and  in  France  it  places  Dr. 
Thayer,  though  he  is  the  equal  in  ability  and  standing— I have  no 
doubt  really  ranks  as  high,  if  not  higher,  than  those  two  men  in  the 
eyes  of  the  scientific  world — and  yet  to  go  over  there  and  try  to  do 
his  duty  at  the  head  of  our  medical  forces  with  the  simple  title  of  a 
major  at  once  embarrasses  his  usefulness,  if  not  to  say  him. 

Senator  New.  Let  me  interpose  right  there.  The  fact  that  we 
made  Gen.  Pershing  a general — we  promoted  the  officers  of  the  line 
and  staff  and  made  that  very  condition  that  they  as  line  officers  were 
compelled  to  meet  and  associate  with  the  general  officers  of  the 
allied  commands,  and  that  they  were  at  a very  serious  disadvantage 
whenever  they  so  met  because  of  the  superior  rank  that  the  officers 
of  the  other  armies  had,  that  was  the  reason,  and  the  sole  reason, 
that  was  urged  for  the  promotion  of  our  line  officers. 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  Now,  Senator  New,  that  is  the  reason  I ad- 
vanced this  very  argument  on  the  surgical  part  of  it.  I knew  that 
fact,  and  I feel  that  our  chief  to  meet  in  conference  men  so  much  his 
superior  in  rank,  that  it  is  embarrassing  in  the  first  place  not  only 
to  him  but  to  us,  and  it  is  embarrassing  in  his  service.  For  instance, 
you  know  as  well  as  I,  gentlemen,  that  rank  means  everything  in  the 
Army,  and  it  means  very  little  to  us  civilians;  but  when  you  come 
to  having  enforced  certain  laws — -for  instance,  preventive  medicine, 
where  epidemics  and  infectious  diseases  can  be  prevented — a man  of 
Thayer’s  ability  with  all  of  the  scientific  knowledge  and  all  of  those 
facts  at  his  fingers’  ends,  it  is  a serious  matter  whether  he  thinks 
he  can  get  those  things  enforced  to  guard  the  health  of  our  men 
unless  he  has  a rank  higher  than  major.  That  is  all  of  the  rank  he 
had  when  he  left  here.  That  is  all  he  has  yet,  so  far  as  I know. 
That  handicaps  him  very  much  in  getting  these  things  enforced. 

After  all,  gentlemen,  if  you  stop  to  think — I feel  sure  I am  right 
in  stating  this — that  it  is  not  the  mere  title  that  the  better  men  of  the 
profession,  and,  after  all,  the  men  who  are  taking  up  this  work  are 
the  cream  of  the  profession.  They  have  purposely  for  patriotic 
motives  come  to  the  rescue  of  our  Government.  With  the  450  medi- 
cal men  we  had  for  our  Army,  you  can  realize  it  would  be  absolutely 
impossible  for  them  to  accomplish  anything.  Now,  men  have  left 
their  business  and  their  profession  who  were  at  the  top  of  the  pro- 
fession. and  have  thrown  themselves  in  it  without  any  idea  of  what 
the  rank  would  be,  but  they  are  meeting  with  a great  deal  of  diffi- 
culty because  the  rank  is  so  low  that  they  have,  especially  on  the  other 
side  where  rank  means  so  much ; they  are  meeting  and  will  meet  with 
more  and  more  trouble  to  get  enforced  the  very  laws  that  we  are 
sending  them  there  to  do.  The  very  facts  are  being  presented 
every  day  that  those  men  must  meet  these  great  epidemics  that  are 
produced  largely  by  the  very  warfare  that  is  going  on. 

You  take  the  polluted  soil  of  France.  It  has  been  a hotbed  of 
fertilized  manures  for  100  years.  That  is  the  very  germ  pablum 
upon  which  lockjaw  and  other  infections  grow.  That,  is  the  reason 
that  every  man  that  got  a scratch  in  the  first  of  the  war  had  lockjaw. 
They  had  to  inoculate  every  man  with  antitetanus  serum.  Suppose 
we  had  to  have  a man  to  go  through  cleaning  up  and  sanitation,  and 
a man  was  not  able  to  enforce  his  orders.  It  seems  to  me  it  would 
not  only  impair  his  service  but  be  very  detrimental  to  the  Army. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOE  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


71 


I have  understood — I am  not  familiar  with  the  figures  in  this  bill 
because  I have  paid  very  little  attention  to  them.  I have  lots  of  con- 
fidence in  the  integrity  of  Surg.  Gen.  Gorgas,  and  he  figured  it  out  in 
the  proper  way.  I understand,  however,  even  then  we  have  only  a 
minimum  amount  of  officers,  comparatively  speaking,  less  than  any 
other  in  the  Army,  but  be  that  as  it  may.  gentlemen,  the  service  that 
has  got  to  be  rendered  in  France  is  not  only  of  a character  and  where 
infections  are  absolutely  of  the  most  dangerous  conditions.  Just  a 
word,  if  you  will  permit  me  to.  You  take  the  former  wars,  and  both 
of  you  are  possibly  familiar,  not  so  much  I guess  as  I am,  in  regard 
to  the  medical  side  of  it.  We  lost  in  our  former  wars  more  men 
from  infectious  diseases  and  bad  sanitation  than  we  did  by  bullets  by 
long  odds.  Here  is  one  condition  in  the  last  25  years,  gentlemen,  the 
revolutionizing  of  preventive  medicine  has  been  a monument  to  any 
profession.  We  have  learned  in  that  length  of  time  the  causes  and 
the  methods  by  which  all  germs  gain  entrance  into  the  human  body, 
the  method  of  propagation  and  infection.  To  that  extent  it  is 
simply  a matter  of  carrying  out  absolutely  those  measures  which  we 
already  know  and  can  prevent.  Just  on  the  same  line  that  the 
French  failed  in  Panama  and  Gorgas  went  there  and  cleaned  up  the 
place  to  where  it  was  healthier  than  any  city  in  our  country.  That 
was  purely  nothing  but  the  application  of  scientific  law  that  had  been 
worked  out. 

I am  glad  to  say  that  our  country  has  been  a leader  along  the  line 
of  preventive  medicine,  especially  in  infectious  diseases,  as  it  has 
been  in  surgery. 

My  object  in  coming  here  has  been  for  the  good  of  the  service.  I 
say  to  you  gentlemen,  with  all  the  candor  of  my  nature,  I wouldn’t 
care  one  snap,  so  far  as  I am  concerned,  whether  I was  a lieutenant 
if  I was  in  the  service — having  been  turned  down,  I have  to  remain 
at  home  in  charge  of  a medical  school — if  I could  get  enforced  the 
things  that  would  prevent  these  terrific  scourges  that  are  claiming 
so  many  lives. 

Have  you  ever  stopped  to  think  there  are  only  600,000  cases  of 
tuberculosis  in  the  French  Army  that  came  from  those  trenches? 
That  is  preventable,  just  the  same  as  cholera,  just  the  same  as  yellow 
fever  is  a preventable  disease.  The  method  bv  which  it  must  be 
prevented  is  a very  strict,  systematized  application  of  laws  well 
known.  But  if  they  are  not  enforced,  and  if  the  power  is  not  given 
to  the  officer  who  really  has  the  obligation  of  preventing  them,  I 
don’t  see  why  it  won’t  handicap  us  very  seriously.  That  is  my  great 
feeling  about  the  matter,  because  I think  it  will  save  thousands  of 
human  lives  by  not  questioning  the  idea  of  a man  if  he  has  sufficient 
rank  to  give  an  order  and  have  some  attention  paid  to  it. 

The  Chairman.  You  gave  the  figures  as  to  the  French.  Do  you 
know  whether  there  are  any  figures  of  the  German  Army,  so  far  as 
tuberculosis  is  concerned? 

Dr.  'Witherspoon.  No.  sir.  And  we  can't  get  any.  The  only  figure 
I have  ever  seen  from  Germany  at  all  was  in  1916.  They  reported 
nearly  90  per  cent  of  their  wounded  have  gone  back  to  the  line.  If 
that  is  true,  it  shows  a wonderful  efficiency.  The  English  were  only 
able  to  return,  I think,  about  70  and  the  French  about  54.  I don’t 
: know  the  exact  figures,  but  as  the  war  has  progressed  we  have  learned 
a great  deal  about  military  warfare  and  the  methods  to  be  used. 


72 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


I was  very  much  impressed,  for  instance,  yesterday.  Dr.  Frank 
Billings,  of  Chicago,  said  that  when  he  came,  Gen.  Gorgas  asked  him 
to  take  charge  of  a certain  service,  and  he  found  that  in  his  rank  j 
that  it  was  necessary,  and  that  is  the  reason  all  of  these  officers  do 
it.  to  sign  Gen.  Gorgas's  name,  because  they  are  working  under  him, 
so  as  to  have  no  hesitation  in  my  name — I guess  that  is  it — in  the 
fulfilling  of  those  orders.  The  men  higher  than  they  don’t  pay  much 
attention. 

Another  thing  about  the  line  that  has  occurred  to  me.  and  I speak  |; 
as  a civilian:  just  take  the  action  in  Mesopotamia.  I don't  know 
whether  you  all  read  that  medical  history  and  that  terrible  loss 
there  to  the  English  in  cholera.  It  was  when  Victor  Horsted  lost  his  t 
life — one  of  the  greatest  surgeons  in  London.  The  trouble  in  the  | 
medical  corps  was  not  organization,  and  while  they  held  authority  |li 
they  didn't  have  the  transports.  It  was  a question,  in  my  mind,  that  j 
the  duty  and  absolute  responsibility  ought  to  be  placed  some  where 
in  regard  to  this  matter  of  the  prevention  of  disease  and  taking  care 
of  our  wounded.  If  it  is  in  the  line  and  they  are  responsible,  it  is  all  i 
right.  But  if  the  Medical  Corps  of  the  Army  must  be  responsible, 
then  I can’t  feel  that  it  is  but  simple  justice  that  they  should  have 
rank  sufficiently  high  to  enable  them  to  get  what  they  want  quickly, 
efficiently,  and  thoroughly,  because  time  means  everything  in  an 
epidemic  of  disease.  That  is  just  my  general  view  of  the  situation, 
and  I feel,  furthermore,  that  the  medical  profession  has  got  to  be 
responsible. 

I don’t  know  whether  you  gentlemen  ever  read  Victor  Horsted’s 
letter  or  not. 

Senator  Neav.  No;  I haven’t. 

The  Chairman.  No. 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  He  wrote  back  that  the  trouble  was  not  with 
the  medical  men,  for  they  were  trying  to  get  transports  to  bring  the 
sick  and  wounded  away  from  these  places,  and  trying  to  get  the 
proper  water  supply  from  the  Tigris  River,  and  their  inability  to 
get  that,  that  absolutely  the  commanding  general  would  pay  no  at- 
tention to  the  medical  authorities  who  insisted  on  that,  and  the  j 
consequence  was  they  had  a terrific  condition.  I could  send  that  mat-  ; 
ter  to  you,  Senator,  if  you  would  like  to  have  it. 

The  Chairman.  I would  like  to  have  it. 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  1 can’t  quote  the  name,  but  one  young  officer 
said  wdien  they  sent  the  transports'  down  the  Tigris  River  he  thought 
that  there  were  a lot  of  ropes  down  the  side  of  the  vessel,  but  it  was  j 
streaks  of  fecal  matter  where  men  had  been  forced  to  use  the  side 
of  the  vessel  as  a commode.  That  killed  the  English  in  Mesopotamia. 
What  was  the  reason?  The  medical  officers  didn't  have  the  right 
or  the  power  to  get  what  they  asked  for.  There  is  the  danger  if  we 
keep  a low  rank. 

The  Chairman.  The  English  had  the  rank? 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  They  had  the  rank,  but  at  the  time  no  fixed 
responsibility  had  been  placed,  and  the  general  simply  assumed  the 
authority  and  refused  to  give  the  transports  to  the  wounded.  That 
is  my  information.  I will  send  you  the  data. 

The  Chairman.  Would  you  like  for  it  to  go  in  the  record? 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  I would  like  for  it  to  be  filed. 

The  Chairman.  All  right : it  may  be  inserted  in  the  record. 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


73 


Dr.  Witherspoon.  And  one  other  question,  too.  gentlemen.  I 
would  like  for  you  to  consider  that  I think  is  worth  while,  and  that 
is  that  in  this  ratio,  as  I understand  it,  it  is  impossible  to  ever  get 
more  according  to  law  than  7 medical  officers  per  1,000,  according 
to  this  ratio.  The  law  so  stands  that  we  will  have  to  stand  by  that, 
so  Gen.  Gorgas  announced  in  a talk  he  made  a day  or  so  ago. 

Senator  McKellar.  That  is  the  ratio  fixed  by  the  act  of  1916? 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  By  the  act  of  1916.  Now,  that  being  true,  even 
if  we  get  this  law  enacted  we  will  then  be  lower  than  any  other  part 
of  the  service,  I am  told,  as  well  as  have  just  one-half  of  the  general 
officers'  of  the  English,  and  still  less  than  the  F rench.  That  is  my 
information.  T can’t  speak  authoritatively,  but  I got  it  from  men 
who  do  know. 

Senator  New.  It  is  your  information  that  the  French  have  more 
.general  officers  than  the  British? 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  No:  I didn’t  so  understand  it.  Senator. 

Senator  New.  I misunderstood  you. 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  No;  I said  the  British  had  more,  and  we  would 
have  just  half  as  many  as  the  British,  and  nearly,  if  any,  just  a little 
less  than  the  French.  That  is  my  information. 

ddie  Chairman.  The  committee  I think,  so  far  as  I know,  agrees 
with  you  very  thoroughly  that  the  corps  ought  to  be  reorganized  and 
there  should  be  additional  officers  of  higher  rank  and  grade,  possibly 
brigadier  generals  and  major  generals,  and  possibly  lieutenant 
colonels  and  colonels.  So  far  as  majors,  captains,  and  lieutenants 
are  concerned,  they  are  all  right.  There  are  two  steps — just  how7  it 
ishall  be  done,  and  the  other  is  the  number.  Under  the  Owen  bill  the 
Army  as  at  present  composed  of  1,560,000  men.  in  round  numbers, 
would  have  46  major  generals  and  46  brigadier  generals  according  to 
■one  estimate. 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  That  doesn’t  figure  out  on  the  seven  per  thou- 
sand, does  it? 

The  Chairman.  That  wouldn’t  have  anything  to  do  with  the  seven 
per  thousand.. 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  That  gives  at  the  same  rate  as  heretofore  estab- 
lished fry  law  for  the  Medical  Corps  in  the  Navy.  It  changes  it  that 
much. 

The  Chairman.  In  passing  upon  the  law  these  difficulties  arise. 
Here  is  the  Ordnance  Bureau  of  the  Army  that  has  one  major  gen- 
eral and  two  brigadier  generals,  and  other  corps  of  the  Army  like 
The  Adjutant  General,  only  one,  and  in  the  Judge  Advocate  Gen- 
eral’s department  two,  and  so  on  in  the  divisions  of  the  Government. 
These  other  bureaus  think  that  would  be  a very  large  discrimination, 
and  either  they  or  somebody  have  gotten  the  General  Staff  of  the 
Army  to  oppose  this  large  increase  in  the  general  officers  more  espe- 
cially. Gen.  Gorgas  testified  that  he  thought  the  number  in  this 
Owen  bill  was  reasonable,  but  the  most  important  part  of  it  was 
increase  of  rank  from  lieutenant  colonel  to  colonel.  He  said  he  felt 
like  they  ought  not  to  be  decreased  to  any  great  extent  as  provided 
in  this  bill,  but  that  he  saw  no  objection  to  decreasing  the  number  of 
general  officers.  I am  telling  you  this  just  for  the  purpose  of  getting 
your  views.  I have  got  a great  deal  of  confidence  in  your  views. 


74 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Dr.  Witherspoon.  Well,  now,  Senator,  liere  is  my  idea  of  that: 

In  the  first  place,  whatever  is  created,  of  course,  ends  with  this  war, 
so  far  as  the  Medical  Officers’  Reserve  Corps.  There  isn't  a man  that 
is  going  into  this  service  that  would  even  ask  or  want  even  if  he 
could  get  it  afterwards;  I feel  sure  of  that.  The  question,  to  my  j 
mind,  is  that  if  we  could  maintain  that  kind  of  condition  in  our  own 
country  that  might  be  applicable,  but  where  they  must  meet  and  take 
several  millions  of  men  to  Europe,  I think  we  would  be  seriously 
handicapped  if  we  did  not  have  enough  general  officers  to  meet  on  an 
equality  our  allies.  Especially  on  so  important  a subject  as  the  health 
and  lives  of  our  men.  I can  see  very  readily  why  it  would  raise  a l 
question  with  the  Ordnance  Bureau,  but  I do  not  feel  in  this  emer- 
gency and  where  life  is  at  stake  and  where  the  Ordnance  Depart- 
ment and  other  departments  will  necessarily  have  certain  bearing 
and  must  be  and  will  be  enforced,  because  the  soldiers  themselves 
will  see  to  that.  Everybody  needs  that — the  line  officers.  But  when 
you  commence  dealing  with  the  sick  and  wounded,  my  impression, 
Senator  McKellar,  has  been  that  in  war  the  rule  is  first  men,  second 
ammunition  and  food  for  the  men.  That  is  what  they  are  after. 
They  look  at  it  as  a fighting  proposition.  We  find  under  the  mod- 
ern warfare  that  it  is  going  on  we  are  bound  to  have  wounded  a great 
many  men.  Their  lives  are  going  to  depend  on  the  quickness,  the 
efficiency,  the  scientific  methods  and  systematic  enforcement  of  rules 
that  will  prevent  death  not  only  in  diseased  but  in  wounded,  and  in 
has  got  to  do  with  these. 

One  reason  that  Carrel  has  had  such  wonderful  results  and  such 
influence  in  France,  as  you  know,  his  hospital  is  never  farther  than 
5 or  10  miles  back  of  the  line,  and  he  gets  men  immediately;  he  takes 
the  most  desperate  cases,  and  sometimes  it  means  life  and  death, 
don’t  you  see?  In  that  way,  if  we  have  enough  general  officers  to 
meet  that  demand,  and  to  compete  and  to  meet  on  equality  our  allies 
and  enforce  those  laws,  it  seems  to  me  it  is  quite  important  what 
number  they  have.  It  seems  to  me,  looking  over  that  bill,  if  they 
have  reported  it  correctly  to  me,  that  it  is  not  a -large  quota.  You 
could  consider  the  medical  service,  after  all,  so  far  as  the  people  are 
concerned,  one  of  the  most  important  next  to  the  fighting  service — • 
the  most  important,  to  my  mind,  and  the  next  is  that  a great  deal 
will  depend  on  two  things:  On  the  restoration  and  saving  the  life  of 
that  man,  so  that  he  can  either  go  back  in  the  line  or  will  not  become 
a charge  on  his  country  when  lie  comes  back.  We  have  got  to  con- 
sider. first,  the  saving  of  his  life;  second,  the  prevention  of  that 
man  becoming  a cripple  for  life,  and  therefore  a dependent  for  life; 
and,  third,  practically  to  get  him  back  into  the  fighting  line  as 
quickly  as  possible. 

Xow,  to  do  that  efficiently  we  have  got  to  have  skill  and  science,, 
and  we  have  got  to  have  men  with  sufficient  rank,  in  my  judgment,  to 
enforce  that.  I am  leaving  what  that  number  should  be,  Senator,  to 
the  figuring  of  that  matter  out.  to  men  who  know  all  about  it,  and 
I know  practically  little  about  it.  That  is  the  way  T feel  about  it. 
Whatever  they  feel  is  necessary  to  make  that  service  efficient,  and  if  a 
colonel  can  make  it  efficient,  that  is  all  I want.  I have  no  patience 
with  this  idea  that  the  profession  wants  the  honor  of  being  a general 
just  for  the  honor.  I want  it  for  him  because  it  gives  him  authority 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


75 


to  do  something  to  save  human  life.  As  I regard  the  Army  in  its 
usage,  this  rank  means  everything.  Have  I made  myself  clear? 

Senator  New.  Yes,  sir. 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  And  I accept  the  Owen  bill  and  the  figures  on 
it  only  because  I have  been  told  by  men  who  have  had  years  ancl 
3’ears  of  experience  that  it  will  require  about  that  proportion  to  do 
this  work  effectively.  Is  that  all  you  gentlemen  want  to  hear  me  on? 

The  Chairman.  Is  there  anything  else  you  want  to  say? 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  No;  I think  I have  expressed  my  views  on  that.. 

The  Chairman.  When  this  is  written  out  we  will  send  you  a copy 
to  look  over  and  make  any  changes  in  it,  or  put  anything  else  in  it 
you  want  to  put  in. 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  I will  send  you  that  campaign  literature  and 
the  letter  of  Sir  Victor  Horstod.  I want  to  say,  if  you  will  permit 
me,  one  other  word.  One  was  from  Emerson  and  the  other  from 
Crile,  and  both  of  those  letters  said,  “ You  can  use  this  if  you  see 
proper,  but  there  is  no  question  about  the  rank  of  a man  being  neces- 
sary abroad  to  get  the  proper  service.”  Not  in  operative  skill.  Sen- 
ator. I believe  our  men  will  give  just  as  good  service  in  operations 
in  his  technical  skill  and  in  his  service  to  the  sick  if  he  is  a private 
as  if  he  were  a general,  but  if  he  has  got  somebody  else  to  depend 
on  to  carry  out  certain  rules  and  law,  ancl  the  Army  rules  governing 
him,  it  means  a whole  lot. 

The  Chairman.  I was  thinking  of  another  proposition.  You  said 
the  officers  ought  to  be  of  equal  rank.  I can  see  the  force  of  that 
statement.  We  had  it  before  us,  as  Senator  New  said  a while  ago, 
in  the  case  of  Gen.  Pershing.  However,  the  English  hai-e  the  rank 
of  lieutenant  general. 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  If  a man  ever  got  as  high  as  lieutenant  general, 
I think  that  would  be  all  right.  It  is  under  this  lieutenant  general 
and  major  general. 

The  Chairman.  I think  the  President  has  the  right  to  appoint 
nine  brigadier  generals  in  the  National  Army  but  he  has  not  availed 
himself  of  that  right.  I don’t  know  why,  but  that  is  in  the  National 
Army.  I see  a number  of  generals  and  lieutenant  generals  have 
been  appointed  in  the  National  Army.  Speaking  of  lieutenant  gen- 
erals, I recall  a very  remarkable  thing  in  connection  with  it  when  I 
was  in  Memphis  last  fall;  they  held  a medical  convention  down  there 
and  Col.  Goodwin,  of  the  English  Army,  was  invited  to  come  from 
here.  He  was  over  here  at  Washington.  He  was  invited  to  come 
down  to  Memphis  and  deliver  an  address.  I heard  his  address,  and 
it  was  an  absolute  refutation  that  an  Englishman  has  no  humor,  be- 
cause it  was  one  of  the  most  delightfully  humorous  addresses,  witty  in 
the  extreme,  that  I have  ever  heard,  and  in  less  than  two  months 
after  that  he  was  appointed  lieutenant  general  in  charge  of 

Dr.  Witherspoon.  You  know  that.  He  was  in  charge  of  the  medi- 
cal force  at  Fort  Oglethorpe  and  when  he  came  down  he  was  called 
home  and  put  in  charge  of  the  forces  at  home  so  that  he  might  have 
power  to  carry  on  the  work.  He  was  made  a lieutenant  general.  He 
is  at  the  head  of  the  medical  service  in  England  now.  When  he  was 
here  he  was  a colonel.  But  the  very  minute  they  gave  him  his  work 
to  do  they  advanced  him. 

The  Chairman.  Maj.  Seaman,  will  you  make  a statement  now? 


76 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


STATEMENT  OE  MAJ.  LOUIS  L.  SEAMAN. 

Maj.  Seaman.  I have  participated,  either  as  an  officer  or  observer, 
in  every  war  in  which  onr  country  has  engaged  since  1898  and 
in  every  war  of  every  other  country  since  1898 — eight  of  them  alto- 
gether— studying  military  sanitation,  and  particularly  the  duties 
of  the  medical  officer  and  the  method  by  which  he  can  secure  the 
authority  necessary  to  preserve  the  health  of  the  men  under  his  care — 
the  rights  to  which  he  is  entitled.  The  whole  system  of  the  medical 
organization  of  our  Army  is  founded  on  the  traditions  of  the  British 
in  17i  (5,  when  the  theory  of  the  Medical  Department  was  cure  of  dis- 
ease instead  of  its  prevention. 

The  medical  officer  in  our  service  has  never  had  the  authority  nec- 
essary to  maintain  the  health  of  the  Army.  He  examines  the  recruit  j 
and  selects  him  for  the  service  because  of  his  splendid  physical  con- 
dition and  his  ability  to  resist  the  rigors  of  a campaign.  It  is  the 
medical  officer’s  business  first,  last,  and  all  the  time  to  keep  that 
soldier  in  that  condition  so  he  can  respond  to  the  call  of  the  line 
officer  when  in  the  emergency  of  battle  he  is  needed.  That  ought  to 
be  the  first  duty  of  medical  officers,  except  on  the  field  of  battle  or  in 
the  hospital  ward  when  caring  for  the  casualties  or  when  supervising 
the  sanitation  of  the  camps. 

I have  been  through  war  after  war  to  see  what  could  be  done  for 
the  preservation  of  the  health  of  the  man  in  the  ranks,  thinking  the  : 
time  might  come  when  it  would  be  my  part  to  contribute  to  the  suc- 
cess of  a war.  vital  to  the  interests  of  our  country.  Gentlemen,  when 
you  consider  the  fact  that  the  medical  officer  has  to  deal  with  an 
enemy  that  in  every  great  war  of  history  has  killed  from  five  to 
twenty  times  as  many  as  the  infantry,  artillery,  bombing  machines, 
submarines,  and  every  other  means  of  destruction  combined,  and  he 
hasn’t  the  authority  to  control  that  enemy,  then  you  can  see  the  fal- 
lacy of  the  whole  situation. 

Senator  New.  Dr.  Seaman,  I am  measureably  familiar  with  your 
record  in  the  branch  of  the  military  service,  but  for  the  purpose  of  j 
the  record  I would  like  for  you  to  state  now  just  what  vour  experi-  \ 
ence  as  a medical  officer  in  various  armies  has  been. 

Maj.  Seaman.  Well.  sir.  I entered  the  service  in  1898  as  major  of 
the  First  Engineers,  United  States  Volunteers,  Col.  Griffin  com- 
manding. one  of  the  finest,  and.  as  President  McKinley  said  when  he  J 
reviewed  us,  “ the  finest  regiment  he  had  ever  seen  in  the  United 
States.”  I examined  some  5.600  men  in  order  to  select  the  1,100  we 
accepted.  Before  entering  the  service  I had  been  chief  of  staff  for 
six  years  of  the  largest  system  of  hospitals  in  America,  at  Blackwells 
Island,  N.  Y.  I had  to  supervise  the  diet  of  all  of  those  people. 

I had  to  be  present  at  the  operations  and  everything  of  that  charac- 
ter connected  with  the  institutions.  I had  a staff  of  36  resident  and 
nonresident  assistants  and  a large  consulting  staff  in  New  York;  so 
I had  had  some  experience  with  patients  in  comparatively  large  J 
numbers. 

We  left  New  York  in  late  July  for  Porto  Rico.  Our  regiment, 
when  we  landed  in  Porto  Rico,  was  in  such  superb  condition  that  ‘ 
had  the  bugle  sounded  a call  to  arms  every  man  could  have  responded 
except  two,  one  of  whom  had  a fracture  of  the  clavicle  and  the  other 
a broken  arm,  the  result  of  a fight,  but  they  were  not  sick.  I looked 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


7T 


upon  it  as  a matter  of  pride  to  think  that  this  regiment  was  under 
my  charge,  and  I hoped  to  take  them  home  in  the  same  condition. 
We  never  smelled  powder  while  we  were  in  Porto  Rico.  We  never 
had  a hardship  of  any  kind.  Many  of  them  were  college  men  from 
my  university,  Cornell,  Harvard,  Columbia,  and  Yale.  The  regi- 
ment- was  cut  up  into  small  detachments  and  detailed  to  do  the 
topographical  and  engineering  work.  They  were  in  superb  state 
for  responding  to  the  call  they  were  enlisted  for.  Many  of  them 
came  from  their  desks  and  counting  rooms,  and  that  summer  should 
have  been  a perfect  outing  for  them,  a picnic,  and  they  should  have 
returned  to  the  Cnited  States  in  a better  condition  than  when  they 
left,  improved  b}^  their  summer's  rest. 

But  how  did  they  return?  Two  of  them  were  dead,  26  were  on 
hospital  cots,  and  you  know  how  our  boys  came  home  from  that  war, 
shrunken  and  shriveled,  so  that  when  we  landed  at  the  foot  of 
Twenty-eighth  Street  by  Bellevue  Hospital  they  required  trucks 
to  take  their  accouterments  and  equipment  to  the  armory,  where  we 
were  mustered  out  of  service. 

I felt  so  humiliated  when  thinking  of  this  record  that  I swore  to 
Almighty  God  if  there  was  another  war  on  earth  1 would  be  there 
to  see  whether  or  not  men  who  were  willing  to  lay  down  their  lives 
for  their  country  could  be  protected  from  disease. 

When  we  landed  in  Porto  Rico  we  were  in  perfect  condition  of 
health,  as  I stated.  A camp  was  selected  on  the  plaza  as  level  as  this 
table,  and  only  3 or  4 feet  above  high  water.  It  was  the  old  camp- 
ing ground  the  Spaniards  had  just  vacated.  Only  a barbed-wire- 
fence  separated  us  from  the  Seventeenth  Regiment,  United  States 
Army.  Their  health  record  was  worse  than  ours  and  they  lost  more- 
than  we  did.  Before  we  had  been  in  camp  a week  there  came  one 
of  those  tropical  storms,  which  flooded  our  surroundings  so  that  we 
were  driven  out.  There  were  hills  all  about  the  city  of  Ponce,  where 
we  could  have  found  a beautiful  camp  site,  but  no,  we  were  put  on 
this  wretched  site.  In  a week  the  boys  began  to  suffer  from  in- 
testinal catarrh,  the  result  of  change  of  climate  and  water — and  the 
irritating  effects  of  the  rations.  Simple  intestinal  catarrh  is  an 
effort  of  nature  to  relieve  the  system  of  something  in  the  intestines 
that  is  irritating.  It  is  physiological,  not  pathological. 

Something  caused  that  irritation  which  became  almost  an  epidemic. 
In  a few  weeks  almost  the  entire  regiment  became  affected.  Our 
men  were  proud,  strong,  healty  fellows,  who  didn’t  report  to  the 
surgeon  until  nearly  90  per  cent  were  suffering  from  this  trouble. 
Before  this  I went  to  the  colonel  and  said,  “Colonel,  we  must  have 
a change  from  this  ration.”  The  men  were  living  on  pork  and  beans, 
fomenting  canned  tomatoes,  and  red  meat.  Having  that  put  into 
their  intestines  in  that  condition  was  only  an  irritant — the  very  thing 
to  create  the  condition  from  which  they  were  suffering.  The  Ameri- 
can ration  is  the  best  given  to  any  soldier  in  the  world  under  proper 
conditions,  but  it  wasn’t  the  best  in  that  tropical  country.  I said, 
“ Colonel,  we  must  have  some  rice  here.  Change  this  ration.  Give 
these  men  some  rice  water  for  three  or  four  days  and  you  will  soon 
see  a radical  improvement.”  He  said,  “ There  isn't  any  rice  to  be 
had.”  And  America  was  only  48  hours  away. 

It  wasn’t  long  before  the  men  were  visiting  the  rear  thirty  to 
sixty  times  daily.  They  lost  over  6 tons  in  weight.  I weighed  them. 


78 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


Two  of  them  died.  I made  the  post-mortem  examinations  and  found 
their  intestinal  tracts  in  one  violent  state  of  inflammation. 

The  mucous  membrane  of  the  intestines,  which  in  normal  condi- 
tion is  so  thin  that  one  could  almost  see  through,  was  a quarter 
of  an  inch  thick,  making  it  a fruitful  culture  ground  for  the  develop- 
ment of  all  kinds  of  microbic  troubles  and  which  resulted  in  the  de- 
plorable condition  existing  in  our  Army  in  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  and  the 
Philippines.  It  was  not  typhoid.  The  American  bean  is  one  of  the 
best  foods  in  the  world  when  properly  cooked.  A soldier  takes  his 
can  of  beans  cold  and  half  cooked  in  the  morning,  rams  his  bayonet 
in  it  and  down  goes  its  contents  half  masticated,  and  he  can  not 
digest  it  in  that  state.  You  might  as  well  throw  so  much  sand  in 
his  stomach.  If  you  put  the  hull  of  one  of  those  beans  under  a 
microscope,  you  will  find  it  has  laminated  scales,  like  bits  of  glass, 
whereas  the  bean  that  is  properly  cooked  for  the  Maine  woodsmen 
in  their  camp  is  cooked  all  night  until  it  is  thoroughly  dissolved  and 
that,  hull  is  thoroughly  macerated.  Then  it  is  one  of  the  best  foods 
in  the  world.  It  is  what  our  woodsmen  live  on. 

Our  men  went  from  bad  to  worse  and  conditions  in  our  regiment 
were  nothing  like  as  severe  as  occurred  in  the  others.  The  same 
state  of  things  occurred  in  the  sight  of  this  Capital  at  Camp  Alger. 
They  called  it  typhoid.  It  was  not  typhoid.  I know  what  typhoid 
is.  I have  made  dozens  of  post-mortem  examinations  on  its  victims. 
The  specific  patches  which  are  evidence  of  typhoid  fever  were  absent 
in  our  men.  That  was  not  what  they  suffered  from.  I couldn’t  get 
a hatful  of  rice  for  them  for  love  nor  money.  One  cargo  of  rice,  if 
given  in  time,  would  have  made  those  men  as  healthy  as  they  ever 
were. 

Dr.  Cabott  of  Boston  visited  Porto  Rico  and  made  the  Vidal  re- 
action test  for  typhoid  on  our  men  and  failed  to  find  a single  case  of 
typhoid. 

The  symptoms  simulated  typhoid,  but  it  was  not  typhoid. 

I take  the  ground  that  the  United  States  Government  recruits  a 
man  in  the  prime  of  life.  It  has  supreme  control  over  him.  It 
regulates  his  exercise,  his  hours  of  rest,  what  he  shall  do,  how  he 
shall  dress,  what  he  shall  eat.  and,  in  the  emergency  of  war,  it  ex- 
pects him  to  lay  down  his  life  in  the  service  of  his  country.  I think 
that  man  deserves  the  best  medical  care  that  the  service  can  give  him, 
and  in  order  to  get  it  the  surgeon  must  have  authority  in  his  own 
department. 

Senator  Newt.  When  I asked  you  that  question  a while  ago  about 
your  various  experiences,  you  digressed  from  it.  I would  like  for 
you  to  tell  us  succinctly  the  different  wars  you  were  in  and  the 
capacity. 

Maj.  Seaman.  Well,  as  soon  as  I was  mustered  out  of  service, 
which  was  in  January,  1899,  two  weeks  afterwards  I started  for  the 
Philippines,  where  I saw  the  same  conditions  existing  as  I met  in 
Porto  Rico  and  Cuba.  Of  the  3,974  deaths  that  occurred  in  the 
Spanish-American  War.  nearly  all,  except  the  293  that  resulted  from 
battle  casualties,  died  from  diseases  that  were  absolutely  and  easily 
preventable. 

Senator  New.  How  long  were  you  in  the  Philippines? 

Maj.  Seaman.  About  six  months.  Then  I went  up  to  the  Boxer 
War  in  China  and  through  that  expedition.  Then  I went  to  the 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


79 


Japanese- Russian  War,  where  I spent  nearly  two  years.  In  the 
meantime  I had  been  down  in  South  Africa — in  the  Zulu  campaign — 
and  from  there  I went  to  Japan  and  Russia,  where  I wrote  two  books 
on  military  sanitation  and  where  every  opportunity  was  given  me  to 
see  what  I wanted,  and  where  the  greatest  war  was  the  war  on 
bacteria. 

I wrote  the  article  for  the  International  Encyclopedia  on  “Mili- 
tary sanitation”  in  1901  and  the  Japanese  made  use  of  my  sugges- 
tions. Gen.  Oyama  told  me  on  the  field  of  Mukden,  when  I asked  him 
how  they  had  kept  their  armies  so  splendidly  free  from  disease — we 
were  discussing  the  authority  of  the  medical  officers  and  even  the 
veterinarians — he  said:  “My  veterinary  surgeon  could  order  me  off 
of  this  horse  this  minute  if  he  saw  that  the  horse  was  unfit  to  be 
ridden  unless  it  was  in  an  emergency  of  battle  or  of  some  military 
matter  depending  on  me.  and  if  I didn’t  do  it.  he  could  compel  me 
to  give  a reason.”  That  is  the  reason — the  officer  had  the  authority. 

The  Chairman.  Do  they  have  generals  in  the  Medical  Corps? 

Maj.  Seaman.  Yes,  sir;  they  have  major  generals.  I have  been  in 
the  Balkan  War  and  twice  in  this  war.  I was  in  Antwerp  when  the 
Huns  bombarded  it  on  the  21st  of  August,  1911,  the  first  month  of  the 
war.  It  Avas  the  first  time  in  all  the  ages  when  the  purity  of  heaven 
was  Stained  by  bloody  assassins,  who  came  like  hyenas  at  midnight 
and  tried  to  murder  the  Queen  Avhile  she  Avas  sleeping  with  her  two 
innocent  children.  The  murderers  sailed  around  the  palace  and 
dropped  21  bombs — one  of  which  came  near  blowing  up  the  hotel 
Avhere  my  AA’ife  and  I were — all  of  them  fell  within  a radius  of  200 
or  300  yards  from  the  palace.  Yes;  I operated  on  a number  of  those 
who  were  injured,  and  I have  been  oArer  there  since.  I assisted  in 
caring  for  the  Avounded  at  the  Battle  of  the  Marne,  and  later  Avas  at 
Verdun. 

Senator  Neav.  As  I gather  from  your  testimony,  it  is  your  belief 
that  the  medical  officers  of  the  Army  should  have  greater  authority 
and  that  authority  can  come  only  from  higher  rank. 

Maj.  Seaman.  Rank  gives  prestige,  of  course;  but  the  Surgeon 
General  should  be  on  the  General  Staff  of  the  Army.  Rank  without 
authority  is  camouflage.  The  idea  of  a general  staff  without  a repre- 
sentative of  the  department  which  combats  the  enemy,  that  in  every 
great  Avar  in  history  (except  the  Russo-Japanese)  has  killed  from  5 
to  50  times  as  many  as  all  the  other  departments  combined,  is  an 
absurdity.  It  is  not  understandable.  I am  not  posing  as  a military 
critic,  but  it  would  only  seem  common  sense  that  the  General  Staff 
should  number  on  its  membership  the  chief  of  each  of  the  great 
departments  of  the  Army,  instead  of  junior  officers  who  are  often 
unfamiliar  with  the  great  responsibilities  of  the  service.  There  have 
been  many  instances  where  line  officers  with  only  slightly  superior 
rank  to  the  medical  officers  have,  by  disregarding  recommendations 
of  the  surgeons  or  flagrant  contradiction  of  orders  of  medical  officers, 
disrupted  plans  of  the  Medical  Corps  to  the  great  detriment  of  the 
service  and  the  sanitary  conditions  of  the  camps  and  cantonments. 
I firmly  believe  that  unless  this  Congress  grants  greater  authority 
and  prestige  to  the  medical  officers  in  this  war,  there  av i 1 1 be  a repe- 
tition of  the  humiliating  scandals  of  the  past,  for  which  it  Avill  be 
held  responsible.  In  the  face  of  this  evidence,  failure  to  act  will  be 
no  less  than  criminal. 


80 


ADVANCED  RANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS-. 


When  the  Army  is  engaged  in  active  military  operations  (that  is;, 
when  a state  of  war  exists)  the  transportation  necessary  to  transport 
medical  and  hospital  stores  and  supplies  of  all  kinds  and  the  sick  and 
wounded  of  the  Army,  whether  by  land  or  water,  should  be  under 
the  exclusive  control  of  the  Medical  Corps. 

Senator  New.  The  bill  that  is  before  us  contemplates  giving  them, 
rank,  giving  higher  rank  to  the  medical  officers. 

Maj.  Seaman.  But  it  doesn’t  give  any  authority  whatever.  Here 
is  Gen.  Gorgas’s  own  testimony  here. 

Senator  New.  If  it  gives  no  authority  then  there  can  be  no  par- 
ticular idea  in  conferring  rank.  As  I understand  the  idea  of  this: 
bill  is  to  confer  rank  in  order  that  that  rank  may  extend  authority. ' 

Maj.  Se  aman.  It  gives  prestige  but  no  authority.  Here  is  his  own 
statement  in  the  examination.  Senator  Hitchcock  asked  the  question 
himself : 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Then  your  power  is  only  advisory’ 

Gen.  Gorgas.  My  power  is  only  advisory. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  And  even  if  there  were  a brigadier  general  on  the  spot,, 
his  power  would  be  only  advisory? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  In  the  Army? 

Senator  Hitchcock.  Yes. 

Gen.  Gorgas.  His  power  is  only  advisory. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  So  that  their  rank  does  not  give  authority? 

Gen.  Gorgas.  It  does  not  give  authority. 

Senator  Hitchcock.  It  only  gives  prestige. 

Senator  Warren.  I think  I have  been  guilty  of  thinking  that 
several  of  the  heads  of  the  departments  ought  to  be  on  the  General 
Staff.  Take  the  Supply  Department.  That  has  charge  of  the  cloth- 
ing. and  I think  the  trouble  comes  in  our  manner  of  conducting  those 
things,  because  none  of  those  fellows  are  on  the  Staff.  Taking  one- 
of  them  without  the  others,  you  can  see  the  difficulty  of  it. 

Maj.  Seaman.  The  responsibility  of  the  others  are  not  so  great. 

I quite  agree  with  your  idea. 

Senator  Warren.  You  will  acknowledge  in  the  other  department 
they 

Maj.  Seaman.  You  are  perfectly  right  on  that.  I think  they  ought; 
to  have  representation  on  the  staff  instead  of  having  their  orders 
passed  on  by  a junior  officer  who  has  no  particular  knowledge  in  that 
department.  I think  other  departments  should  have  a representative 
on  the  General  Staff. 

Senator  Warren.  I think  they  have  a representative  but  not  a 
chief. 

Maj.  Seaman.  Well,  a chief.  If  they  could  go  to  the  chief  of  the 
department,  who  is  their  representative,  they  wouldn’t  have  to  get 
rheir  views  acted  upon  by  anyone  in  between  who  would  interfere 
with  them  or  change  them. 

Speaking  to  Mr.  Hicks  about  the  matter — I refer  to  Congressman 
Hicks — I got  him  to  introduce  this  clause  in  the  bill,  which  is  prac-  ; 
tically  the  same  as  the  Owen  bill : 

That  the  Medical  Corps,  through  its  officers,  shall  have  supervision  and  con- 
trol of  the  hygiene  and  sanitation  of  posts,  camps,  commands,  and  troops  under 
such  regulations  as  the  President  may  establish,  with  authority  to  issue  and 
enforce  such  orders  that  will  prevent  or  diminish  disease,  except  that  when 
such  orders  interfere  with  necessary  war  operation  the  military  commander  may 
suspend  them. 


ADVANCED  BANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


81 


Senator  Warren.  There  is  the  fight  right  there. 

Maj.  Seaman.  In  the  fighting.  The  doctor  doesn’t  ask  for  author- 
ity in  fighting. 

Senator  Warren.  I mean  in  the  manner  of 

Maj.  Seaman.  When  we  were  on  our  way  to  Cuba,  on  a day  that 
was  as  hot  as  India,  the  colonel  of  one  of  the  regiments  in  Charleston 
thought  he  would  take  his  command  out  for  a trial  spin,  and  he  put 
them  through  a frightful  march,  something  like  22  miles,  under  con- 
ditions that  were  fearful.  About  20  of  them  were  sun-struck.  If 
I had  been  surgeon  of  that  regiment  I would  have  protested  against 
that. 

Senator  Warren.  You  .would 'have  been  “Johnny  on  the  spot”  to 
stop  it? 

Maj.  Seaman.  If  I had  authority,  I would. 

Senator  Warren.  To  have  advised  against  it? 

Maj.  Seaman.  I would  certainly  have  advised  against  it,  and  I 
would  have  reported  that  gentleman  for  doing  such  a thing.  Two  of 
them  died  in  consequence.  It  was  unnecessary.  If  there  had  been 
a battle  on  or  any  emergency,  it  would  have  been  a different  proposi- 
tion. 

I would  like  to  submit  the  testimony  of  Gen.  Tasker  H.  Bliss.  I 
ask  to  have  this  letter  inserted : 


Ajrmy  War  College, 
Washington,  D.  C.,  February  16,  190 If. 

My  Dear  Sir:  I beg  to  thank  you  very  heartily  for  the  copy  of  your  paper 
upon  “ Military  surgery,”  which  I received  from  you  a few  days  ago.  Every- 
thing that  relates  to  the  service  and  administration  of  the  Medical  Department 
in  time  of  war  is  of  rapidly  "growing  interest  and  importance.  It  is  a matter 
of  vital  importance  that  the  scientific  imagination  of  all  soldiers  be  so  culti- 
vated that  they  will  constantly  see,  though  lurking  under  the  most  innocent  dis- 
guise. the  half-dozen  germs  or  bacilli  (or  whatever  you  medical  gentlemen 
call  them)  which  are  always  present,  which  are  so  terribly  dangerous  to  the 
great  bodies  of  men  herded  together  in  war  camps,  which  account  for  four  or 
five  times  the  casualties  due  to  hostile  bullets,  and  yet  which  could  be  so 
easily  rendered  harmless  if  every  man  in  the  ranks,  no  less  than  his  medical 
officer,  could  be  put  on  his  guard  against  them.  In  the  same  way,  if  the  scien- 
tific imagination  of  the  soldier  could  be  so  trained  as  to  see  floating  in  the 
air  which  touches  his  wound  or  in  the  water  with  which  he  thoughtlessly 
washed  it  these  germs,  which  are  more  dangerous  than  the  bullet  which  struck 
him,  he  would  need  no  further  incentive  to  learn  how  to  apply  the  “ first-aid 
dressing  ” to  himself  and  his  comrades.  If  some  military  medical  gentleman 
could  only  make  it  plain  to  the  average  soldier  that  he  confronts  his  most  dan- 
gerous foe  when  in  camp  and  long  before  he  has  seen  a human  enemy  and 
that  his  next  most  dangerous  foe  is  a miserable,  little,  infinitesimal  germ  which 
gets  in  its  work  after  the  human  enemy  has  left  him  with  a perhaps  trifling 
wound — if  some  medical  man  can  make  the  average  soldier  see  all  this  he  will 
have  to  his  credit  many  thousands  of  saved  lives  in  the  next  war. 

Very  truly,  yours, 

Tasker  H.  Bliss, 

Brigadier  General,  United  States  Army, 

President  Army  War  College,  I 
Maj.  Louis  L.  Seaman,  M.  D„  LL.  B.,  ,] 

21fi  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York  City. 


Also  here  is  one  from  Medical  Director  Wise,  Surgeon  General  of 
the  Navy,  who  knew  of  my  work.  He  is  one  of  the  ablest  men  we 
have  in  the  service.  He  says  I am  absolutely  right  on  this  proposi- 
tion. I ask  for  nothing  except  that  our  men  may  be  permitted  to 
retain  the  health  that  they  had  when  entering  the  Army  and  that 
they  may  do  their  fighting  and  not  be  criminally  sacrificed  by  pre- 
61461—18 6 


82  ADVANCED  BANK  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 

rentable  disease,  as  has  been  done  in  every  war  in  which  America  has 
engaged. 

Here  is  a letter  from  Dr.  Howard.  He  is  at  the  head  of  the  Asso- 
ciation lor  Advancement  of  Medical  Science. 

I he  Chairman.  Is  there  anything  else  you  would  like  to  put  in? 

Maj.  Seaman.  I would  like  to  introduce  an  extract  from  this 
pamphlet  of  mine. 

i he  Chairman.  Have  you  marked  what  you  want  to  go  in? 

Maj.  Seaman.  Yes,  sir: 

(The  papers  referred  to  are  as  follows:) 

Naval  Medical  School, 
Washington,  D.  C.,  December  6,  1905. 

Maj.  Louis  L.  Seaman, 

New  York  City,  N.  Y. 

Mr  Dear  Ma.t.  Seaman  : I have  just  finished  reading  your  paper  presented 
at  Detroit.  Owing  to  the  opening  of  this  school,  I had  to  leave  the  morning 
of  its  deliverance;  probably  in  this  respect  I was  fortunate,  for  I missed  a 
discussion  that  had  no  proper  place  in  such  a body. 

I consider  that  after  one  has  labored  so  extensively  and  unselfishly  as  you 
have  done,  that  at  least  he  should  know  there  are  many  of  us  who  appreciates 
at  its  full  value  the  great  service  he  has  rendered  the  cause  of  military  surgery 
and  humanity. 

You,  as  I look  at  the  matter,  have  consistently  and  untiringly  hammered 
away  at  the  great  and  numerous  errors  existing  in  Army  medical  administra- 
tion, and  to  the  mind  of  those  capable  of  judging  and  of  impartial  disposition, 
you  have  established  your  contention  beyond  the  possibility  of  controversion, 
and  I pray  God  that  the  seed  you  have  sown  may  bring  fruit  a hundredfold. 

I see  by  the  Bulletin  Officiel  that  you  will  be  at  the  international  congress 
at  Lisbon.  I shall  be  there  also,  and  hope  the  pleasure  of  meeting  you.  Have 
you  decided  as  yet  when  and  how  you  will  go  to  Lisbon? 

Believe  me  to  be,  with  sincere  regards, 

Yours,  very  truly,  John  C.  Wise. 


American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science, 

Washington,  D.  C.,  April  15,  1918. 

My  Dear  Ma.t.  Seaman  : I have  read  with  the  most  vivid  interest  the  papers 
you  have  sent  me  recently. 

You  are  taking  an  absolutely  unassailable  position  in  your  championship  of 
preventive  medicine  in  the  Army  as  well  as  elsewhere. 

Of  course  the  dietary  of  the  soldier  should  be  controlled  by  medical  advice. 
How  can  it  be  disputed? 

With  best  wishes  for  the  success  of  your  public-spirited  endeavors, 

Very  sincerely,  yours, 

L.  O.  Howard, 
Permanent  Secretary. 

Maj.  Louis  L.  Seaman, 

Metropolitan  Club,  Washington,  D.  C. 


The  official  figures  as  shown  in  the  following  table  were  furnished  me  by 
the  Surgeon  General  of  the  Army,  on  the  10th  day  of  October,  1905,  and- cover 
the  vital  statistics  of  the  United  States  military  expeditions  for  the  year  1898: 


Deaths 

from 

battle 

casualties. 

Deaths 

from 

disease. 

17 

203 

1 3 

262 

273 

567 

2,649 

Total  deaths 

293 

3,681 

1 Two  of  these  deaths  resulted  from  a stroke  of  lightning  in  a thunderstorm. 
About  1 from  casualties  to  13  from  disease. 


ADVANCED  KANE  FOR  ARMY  MEDICAL  OFFICERS. 


83 


The  report  further  shows  that  while  the  average  mean  strength  of  the  Army 
enlisted  for  the  Spanish  War  was  about  170,000,  the  total  number  of  admis- 
sions to  the  hospitals  was  on  September  10,  1898,  over  158,000,  or  90  per  cent. 
This  in  a war  of  less  than  three  months’  duration  and  in  which  more  than 
three-fourths  of  its  soldiers  never  left  the  camps  of  their  native  land. 

The  Japanese  Army  for  the  same  period  had  about  4 per  cent  hospital  admis- 
sions, or  one  twenty-second  times  as  many. 

The  vast  difference  in  favor  of  the  Japanese  figures  illustrates  the  value  of 
a medical  and  sanitary  .department  properly  equipped  to  enforce  practical 
sanitation,  dietary,  and  other  preventive  measures. 

The  greatest  tragedy  of  war  lies  not  on  the  battle  field,  but  in  the  failure 
of  a government  to  protect  its  guardians  from  preventable  diseases,  thereby 
immeasurably  increasing  the  suffering  and  mortality  incident  to  it.  This  can 
be  largely  prevented  by  giving  the  medical  officer  authority  to  enforce  sanita- 
tion and  supervisory  control  over  the  rations  of  the  troops. 

Every  death  from  preventable  disease  is  an  insult  to  the  intelligence  of  the 
age.  If  it  occurs  in  the  Army,  it  becomes  a governmental  crime.  From  the 
beginning  the  State  deprives  the  soldier  of  his  liberty,  prescribes  his  hours  of 
rest,  his  exercise,  equipment,  dress,  diet,  and  the  locality  in  which  he  shall 
reside,  and  in  the  hour  of  danger  it  expects  him,  if  necessary,  to  lay  down  his 
life  in  defense  of  its  honor.  It  should,  therefore,  give  him  the  best  sanitation 
and  the  best  medical  supervision  the  science  of  the  age  can  devise,  be  it 
American,  Japanese,  or  Patagonian,  a fact  of  which  Congress  will  do  well  to 
take  cognizance  at  the  earliest  moment,  for  just  as  surely  as  the  engineer  who 
disregards  the  signals  or  the  train  dispatcher  who  gives  wrong  orders  is  legally 
responsible  for  the  loss  of  human  life  in  the  wreck  which  follows,  so  Con- 
gress or  the  medical  system  of  our  Army  is  responsible  for  all  soldiers’  lives 
that  are  needlessly  and  criminally  sacrificed — not  on  the  glorious  field  of  battle, 
but  in  diseased  camps  from  preventable  causes. 

The  Chairman.  I don’t  know  but  what  your  idea  of  additional 
authority  is  along  the  right  line. 

Maj.  Seaman.  If  you  had  made  a study  of  it  as  I have,  you 
wouldn’t  doubt  it. 

I would  court-martial  a surgeon  as  quick  as  I would  a spy  if,  when 
given  the  necessary  authority,  he  failed  to  prevent  epidemics  of  pre- 
ventable diseases  or  to  keep  his  men  in  good  health. 

(Thereupon,  at  12.20,  the  committee  adjourned.) 


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